our manufacturers under difficulties, under the idea that they will be able to surmount them. Wool has long sold at a higher price in Ireland than in England, which would operate as a strong inducement to its exportation. The freight of wool from many parts of England is considerably less to Ireland than to the manufacturing parts of Yorkshire. In several particulars the natural advantages of Ireland for carrying on the woollen manufacture might be shown to be greater than those of Great Britain, particularly in the article of water, and of easy internal communication by navigable rivers. The introduction of machinery has, in a great degree, tended to produce the present prosperous state of the woollen manufacture; yet it is notorious that by that very machinery, the removal of the manufacture to another country is facilitated, since women and children can, by the help of machines, perform those operations, which before had required able and experienced artificers. In estimating the comparative situation of the manufacturers of the two countries, it was not possible to forget the prodigious difference, not only in wages of labour, price of provisions, and habits of life, but in taxes and other burthens of a similar nature: one of these is the poor-rates. It is urged, that we now, in the very face of the protecting duty, export woollen manufactures to Ireland to the amount of 600,000l. per annum. This is true; but from this no argument can be drawn as to what would happen if our raw material should be taken away from us. This would completely change the whole face of things. Ireland has by no means been inattentive to the encouragement of her woollen manufacture. Premiums have been offered, institutions formed, and other measures adopted, for the express purpose of protecting its infant weakness, and fostering its growth. Considerable effects have been produced by those efforts. Former. ly, considerable quantities of wool and woollen yarn were imported into this country. Our importation of the former article gradually lessened, and at length wholly ceased; that of the latter also has been gradually diminishing. When I say this, do I feel any narrow jealousy of Ireland, or any disposition to check any efforts she may make for her own prosperity? Far from me be all such ungenerous sentiments! But it is not even for priety of preventing the exportation of British wool to Ireland entirely on the position, that the quantity we grow is inadequate to the consumption of our own manufacturers; and that the principle of an increasing demand, producing a proportionably increased supply, does not hold good in this instance, for reasons which I have before assigned. But if my opponents would be faithful to their own principle, I might have spared myself and them the trouble of this long argument; for I might ask them, if demand, or to speak more correctly, the high price created by demand, insures supply, how can they account for this strange fact, that for the last seven years the price of wool has been uniformly increasing, and yet during that whole period, the quantity of the article has been as uniformly diminishing. How can this be accounted for on the principle of my opponents? Does it not stand in the way of their conclusion, and prove beyond dispute, that the principle of demand ensuring supply, for some reason or other does not apply to this commodity? It may be observed on the same point, that our increasing population has not, by producing a greater consumption of mutton, had the effect of increasing proportionally the quantity of wool. For it is notorious, that the animal is now killed at a much earlier period of its life than formerly; and it is obvious, that for any given number of carcases consumed, if they are killed at a year and a half, or two years old, we shall have but half the wool we should derive from them if killed at three or four years old.-To all the arguments, however, which might be adduced to prove theoretically that the quantity of wool has greatly increased and is still increasing in proportion to the increased demand for it, I must oppose besides all contrary arguments, the weight of positive testimony, unbalanced by any evidence to the contrary. If what has been stated at the bar be worthy of credit, there has been for some years an increasing scarcity of wool which has now become greater than at any former period. It has been stated, that the natural advantages enjoyed by the manufacturers in this country are such that they need fear no rivalship from Ireland. I must observe, that this superiority is not so great as is conceived. In truth, the natural advantages of Great Britain for carrying on the woollen manufactory, are by no means such as to allow us with impunity to lay [VOL. XXXV.] the benefit of Ireland herself that by an [K might enrich themselves, and be profitable to England: they therefore beseech his majesty to direct that measures may be used for discouraging the Irish woollen manufacture, and encouraging the linen manufactures in Ireland, to which they declare, they shall always be ready to give their utmost assistance. The king's answer was an exact assent to both parts of their address. A speech and an answer of a similar import were made by the lords justices to the Commons of Ireland. Measures were accordingly taken for the execution of both parts of this compact but that which it is most material to remark, is this, that in performance of our part of that compact, we have been uniformly paying a bounty on the exportation of Irish linens from this country, which has of late amounted to about 30,000. per annum ; and still more, we have been paying 33 per cent. more for all the Irish linens we have consumed than we should have paid for the same quantity of linen artificial system like this which is now proposed, Ireland should be tempted almost against her will, to turn her capital and her industry into this particular channel, when there are many others in which they might flow with equal and perhaps greater advantage. Why should Ireland be tempted to seek for her gain in our loss? Why should the two countries be thus set in opposition to each other? But it may, perhaps, be stated, that I am forgetting that the two countries are now to be identified. If, indeed, in all other particulars the union were to be complete, then it might be worth while to make a sacrifice, in order not to vitiate the completeness and integrity of the arrangement. But is this the case? What are all the protecting duties but so many deviations from the principle of union? Are not the two countries to be altogether on a different footing in the important article of corn and other provisions? Above all, are they not to continue for twenty years at least in different situations in re-imported from Germany, this has amountspect to their taxes, and is not the strange ed to 700,000l. per annum, according anoma ly to be exhibited of 100 Irish to lord Auckland's statement, and to members imposing upon the British na- 1,000,000l. per annum by lord Castle tion taxes and regulations to which they reagh's : this has been equivalent to a bounty are not themselves subject, thereby taking to the same amount on Irish linens, and away from us one of our grandest securi- in fact has been so much paid out of the ties against excessive imposts and op- pockets of the people of this country pressive regulations? If, then, the prin- to the people of Ireland. What have ciple of union is to be qualified in so many been the motives which prompted them instances, why not admit that one further so to do? The answer is obvious: the modification for which I contend? Can obligation they contracted by the compact it be shown that the importation of wool before named, to encourage the linen ma into Ireland is at all necessary to the nufacture in consideration of the Irish union? It cannot even be stated to be giving up the woollen; yet it is now pro necessary to the commercial well-being posed to us not merely to give up those of Ireland; for it made no part of the advantages which were the consideration propositions of 1785. In truth, the union for which England has been making these would be nearly, if not quite, as valuable sacrifices for the benefit of Ireland, not to Ireland without as with this concession. merely so far as our advantage is con -I must now go upon another ground on cerned to annul the compact, but to pu which I might boldly contend, as a matter Ireland in possession of both parts of the of right, against the arrangement now compact. What would be thought o proposed. I allude to the linen and such a transaction in private life? S woollen compact. In the Journals of the strong do I feel on this ground, that two Houses for 1698, will be found ad- might safely have rested on it the whol dresses to William 3rd, representing that question, if so many other arguments had the wealth and power of England in a not concurred to enforce the same con great measure depended on the preserving clusion. Our manufacturers have a veste the woollen manufacture; that from vari- capital of five or six millions sterling i ous causes which are stated, the English mills and machinery, which cannot be re woollen manufacture is likely to be pre- moved to another country; they investe judiced by the increase of the woollen this capital in reliance on the protection manufacture in Ireland. Whereas Ireland of parliament, and surely that protectio is peculiarly adapted to the linen manufac-will not now be withdrawn. Anothe ture, the establishment and growth of which consideration is, the discontent which the measure will produce in the minds of an immense body of people, if it should be passed in its present shape. My right hon. friend himself stated that he should be strongly disposed, not to wound the feelings and even the prejudices, of any great body of people, and this, which is the policy of every wise government, is a vicious law which may be repealed powerfully enforced upon us by the present state of public affairs. It is impossible not to be struck with the impropriety of fixing for ever the arrangement now proposed to us. During the war our exports, have exceedingly increased, partly fromour not being rivalled in the markets of Europe by some of our old competitors; partly by the increased demand occasioned by the war. I will deliver no opinion, whether or not our Mr. Pitt said, that however warmly he exports after a peace will continue equal might feel in favour of the liberal principle to their present amount; but I know that which ought to exist in the event of an doubts at least are entertained on this incorporate union between the two counhead by many able and experienced men. tries, namely that there should be a free Is it wise, then, to take the present mo- commercial intercourse between them, ment for inflicting a wound on our staple and however anxious he was for the full manufacture, under an idea of its vigorous application of that principle, still if he was state rendering the blow of no import- convinced that there was any reasonable ance? But the woollen manufacture has ground for apprehending those conseanother claim to the notice of parliament. quences which had been predicted, he It has a value not to be stated in figures, would not hesitate to deviate from that not to be estimated from a book of rates. principle. After the most minute invesMany manufactures which contribute tigation, he was satisfied, that to permit largely to the national wealth are highly the exportation of the raw material to injurious to the public morals, but what- Ireland might gradually, and in the course ever other claims of equality may be set of time, be productive of advantage to up for the cotton manufacture I may Ireland; but that it could not, even upon justly assert for the woollen manufacture the principles laid down by the petitioners a superiority of a higher kind. It is a themselves, cause the least mischief to the domestic manufacture not so much carried manufacturers of England. By the adopon in large factories where multitudes are tion of the present article, they were collected together, and children too often doing that which, in his view of the sublearn prematurely, the vices of more ad- ject, might tend greatly to the advantage vanced age; but any industrious individual of Ireland; but which considered as a sapossessing credit for a capital of 10%. buys crifice on the part of England, would be therewith a pack of wool, works it up trifling, and on the part of the manufacwith the assistance of his wife and family, turers, nothing. If his view of the subject and brings it to the public market for sale was correct, any transfer of manufacture just as the little farmers bring their seve- which the adoption of this article might ral articles of produce; the wealth thus be supposed to make to Ireland, would acquired and diffused, is not obtained at not make any void that would not be the expense of domestic happiness, but in much more than filled up by the inthe enjoyment of it. I have myself wit-crease of our trade in this article. If nessed the scenes I am imperfectly describing, and could the committee become personally acquainted with the prosperity, the domestic comfort, the industry, the spirit of independence and of rational liberty, which the woollen manufacture has diffused over a country naturally barren and thinly peopled they would be backward to incur the smallest risk of endangering the continuance of this happy scene, and of drying up or diverting the stream which has proved to this extensive district the source of so many blessings. I once more earnestly entreat the committee to consider that the step now proposed is not like when once taken, it will be irrevocable. On the whole, therefore, I must object to the article as it stands, and propose instead of it, not that Great Britain should continue to enjoy the advantages over Ireland she has hitherto possessed, but that each country should be suffered to retain and work up itself the wool which it produces. the effect of permitting the exportation of the raw material to Ireland should be that of transferring any portion of manufacture to Ireland, it would only be gradually, and in the course of a great number of years. With respect to the arguments urged by his hon. friend, some of his objections were contradictory to each other. In one part of his speech his hon. friend had contended against permitting the exportation of wool to Ireland, because the effect of it would be to transfer the whole of the manufacture to Ireland: and in another part he had objected to it, because it would be highly injurious to England, without being productive of any great advantage to Ireland. Now, both these arguments could not be founded: because in the question of the transfer of a manufacture, it was impossible (supposing the demand to continue, which was not doubted) that England should lose without Ireland gaining exactly in the same proportion. In order to form a correct estimate how far this manufacture could be the subject of transfer, and how far this article had a tendency that way, it would be necessary to consider in what markets Ireland could rival us. There were but three markets in which she could rival us; in her own, by supplying as much of the manufacture as was necessary for her consumption; in foreign markets; or in our own market. He would not contend that the effect of the adoption of this article would not be in time to enable Ireland to supply her own market, and consequently to diminish our manufacture by so much as we now supplied for the consumption of Ireland. He would even admit, that in the course of time Ireland might, in some branches of her manufacture, be able to meet, or even obtain a preference over us in foreign markets; but that she should be able to meet us in our own markets must be obviously impossible. His hon. friend had advanced, as an objection to the proposed regulation, that it was unequal, because it permitted the exportation of the raw material to Ireland, while it established protecting duties upon the manufacture. Now, if the manufacturers were of opinion that it would be advantageous to them to suffer the Irish to send over their manufacture to England free of duty, after we had permitted the free exportation of our raw materials, it was clear that they must be of opinion that the manufacture would be still better and cheaper in England, and that they enentertained an apprehension of Ireland beating us in our own market, because otherwise they must be anxious for the existence of a protecting duty. He had already admitted, that there might be some articles of the manufacture which, as industry must always find its level, might in time be distributed some in one country, and some in the other. But the objection which had been made to the continuance of the protecting duty upon the manufacture, showed that the manyfacturers of this country were of opinion that they would be still able to beat Ireland, even after she was furnished with the raw material necessary for the manufacture. Now, with respect to the manufacture furnished by this country to Ireland, it amounted to about 700,000l. a year. Now, he begged the committee to compare this supply with which we furnished Ireland, with the whole of the manufacture of this country, both for its own consumption, and for the supply of the foreign markets; and it would be found that the whole of the exportation to Ire land did not amount to above 1-30th part of our whole manufacture. After this statement, it would be impossible to contend, that this was a question about ruining the great woollen manufacture of England-of giving a shock to the vast capital vested in it-of turning the persons occupied in it out of employment, and consequently of increasing the poor-rates. The utmost that could be urged was, not that our manufacture would be diminished but that the rapid increase, which we were making might, in a small degree, be retarded; that our increase, though great, would not be quite so great as if we had kept the Irish markets. With regard to the question, whether the demand for this manufacture would continue to increase? he believed some difference of opinion existed. Some persons were of opinion, that the demand would probably diminish on the conclusion of a peace. He had upon other occasions, stated his reasons for thinking that, in the event of a peace, a great increase would take place in the whole of our commerce. But the committee had not only his opinion upon this subject, they had also the evidence of the witnesses who had been examined; for they had stated, as a reason against permitting the exportation of the raw material, the probability of an increased demand for the manufactures on the termination of the war, The question then resolved itself into this, Whether, with our manufactures in a state of unprecedented prosperity, a prosperity which had increased, and was likely to increase, we would not consent to communicate a part of our advantages to a kingdom with which we were about to effect a complete union? The next question was with regard to the propriety of permitting [138 the free communication of a raw material would be ruined by permitting its exporfrom one part of an united kingdom to tation to Ireland? Had it been found to another. As a general principle this had be so in the case of Scotland? Had she not been denied; but his hon. friend had ruined our manufactures, and transferred stated that it was applied only to this ar- them to herself? Undoubtedly not; and ticle of wool; this statement, however, yet at the time of the union with that was not correct, for the principle was not country her taxes were considerably applied to the article of wool alone: the po- higher than those of England, and were licy which governed all these articles was, so at the present moment. What had to make the intercourse between the two been the effect of permitting the free countries, with respect to raw materials, communication of the raw material to and the whole of the trade between the Scotland? Why, among other sources united kingdoms, as free as possible, under from which we obtained that article, all the circumstances of the case, to carry Scotland was one; and the woollen mathis principle into full effect; but every nufacture of Scotland was only of the effort had been used to make the excep- coarsest and cheaper sort. He begged tions to it as few in number, as small in now to consider this question as it related extent, and as short in duration as possible. to the three markets in which Ireland The ground upon which these exceptions could by any possibility rival this country, were admitted was, to prevent any sudden and to the possibility of Ireland beating shock to capital vested in trade, which us in them in consequence of our permitmight arise from the permission of an im- ting the exportation of the raw material. mediate and complete freedom of inter- The first consideration was, the comparacourse between the two countries. It tive price of the raw material in the two was upon this ground that he had stated, countries, in order to decide how far, by on a former night, that, although on the permitting Ireland to import it, she might first view of the subject it might be natu- beat us in foreign markets. Did those ral to suppose that in the event of an gentlemen who predicted the ruin of our union it would be desirable that each manufactures take into their consideracountry should be permitted to ma- tion the wealth of Ireland as compared nufacture that which it found most with that of England, when they talked convenient, yet that could not be car- of her out-bidding us in our own markets? ried to its full extent, because such a Surely not. She might, it was true, ensudden freedom of intercourse might in deavour to purchase a certain quantity of certain cases injure the capital vested in the raw material in England, and, by bidparticular manufactures. But though the ding, far increase the price: but would necessity of some temporary restraint was that be urged as a mischief? If the maclear, as applied to manufactures, it was nufacturers complained that the quantity by no means so when applied to the raw of wool had decreased, surely the making material. Now, with respect to the gene- the growth of it more profitable would ral equity of the principle: as to its effect tend to increase the supply. He did not upon manufactures, it had been consider- see how it could be contended that Ireed as a doubtful question whether per- land could beat us in the manufacture by mitting the free exportation of wool from procuring the raw material cheaper, and this to other countries would not be bene- that her bidding for it would raise its ficial to the landed and to the commercial price. If she bid for it, England, as the interest. Upon this point he wished to richer nation, might out bid her, or, at give no opinion, though it was one in most, she could obtain it at an equal favour of which much might be said; but price, and then the competition between when he saw that the manufactures of the two countries would go on as it was this country had risen to such an unpre- at present. With respect to the compacedented state of prosperity by the adop-rative price of the raw material in the tion of a contrary system, he certainly two countries, at this very moment it was would not, upon any speculative reason- something higher in England than it was ing, consent to disturb it, as far as related in Ireland. He contended, therefore, to foreign countries. If, however, it was that, as far as depended upon the compaa doubtful point whether the free expor-rative price of the raw material in the two tation of our wool would not be advan- countries, the regulation now proposed tageous to our manufactures, could it be could not have the effect of transferring contended, that it was clear that they the manufactures to Ireland. But even if |