527-565]

Justinian's Aims

5

to the Church. His decisions were as unhesitating on matters of dogma as on matters of law and reform, and he brought the same intolerant despotism to bear on church government as on everything else. But above all, as Emperor, he believed himself to be the man whom the Lord had specially chosen and prepared for the direction of human affairs, and over whom the divine protection would ever rest throughout his life. He considered himself to be the most faithful of servants to the God who aided him. If he made war, it was not simply in order to collect the lost provinces into the Roman Empire, but also to protect the Catholics from their enemies the Arian heretics, "persecutors of souls and bodies." His military undertakings had therefore something of the enthusiasm of a Crusade. Furthermore, one of the chief aims of his diplomacy was to lead the heathen peoples into the Christian fold. Missions were one of the most characteristic features of the Byzantine policy in the sixth century. By their means Justinian flattered himself, according to a contemporary, that he "indefinitely increased the extent of the Christian world." Thus the Emperor allied care for religion with every political action. If this pious ardour which consumed the prince had its dangers, in that it quickly led to intolerance and persecution, yet it was not without grandeur; since the progress of civilisation always follows evangelisation. As champion of God, as protector of the Church, and as ally and dictator to the Papacy, Justinian was the great representative of what has been called "Caesaropapism.'

From the day when, under Justin's name, he originally undertook the government of the Empire, these ideas inspired Justinian's conduct. His first wish was to come to some agreement with Rome in order to end the schism. The announcement made to Pope Hormisdas, of the accession of the new sovereign, together with the embassy despatched soon afterwards to Italy to request that peace might be restored, made it clear to the pontifical court that they had but to formulate their requests in order to have them granted. The Roman legates proceeded to Constantinople, where because of Justinian's friendship they received a splendid welcome, and obtained all that they demanded. The Patriarch John with the greater number of Eastern prelates in his train signed the profession of orthodoxy brought by the papal envoys. The names of Acacius and other heretical patriarchs with those of the Emperors Zeno and Anastasius were effaced from the ecclesiastical diptychs. After this the Pope was able to congratulate Justinian upon his zeal for the peace of the Church, and the energy with which he sought to restore it. In consequence of the prince's attitude, and at the pressing request of the pontifical legates, who remained in the East for eighteen months, the dissentient Monophysites were vigorously persecuted throughout the Empire. In Syria the Patriarch Severus of Antioch was deposed and anathematised by the Synod of Tyre (518),

6

Last Years of Theodoric

[518-526

and more than fifty other bishops were soon afterwards chased from their sees. For three years (518-521) the persecution continued. The chief heretical meetings were scattered, the convents closed, the monks reduced to flight, imprisoned, or massacred. However, the orthodox reaction lacked strength to attack Egypt, where the exiles found shelter, while the Monophysite agitation was secretly continuing to spread its propaganda in other parts of the East, and even in the capital itself. None the less, Rome had scored a decisive victory, and the new dynasty could celebrate a success which did much to establish it securely.

But it was not only religious zeal that moved Justinian. From this time he fully realised the political importance of an agreement with the Papacy. Without doubt the new government set itself, at any rate at first, to maintain friendly relations with the Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy. On 1 January 519 Theodoric's son-in-law and heir Eutharic became Consul as colleague of the Emperor Justin; and there was a constant interchange of ambassadors between Constantinople and Ravenna during the years that followed. From this moment, however, Justinian dreamed of the fall of the Ostrogothic power, and watched events in Italy with great attention.

In spite of the prudent toleration that Theodoric had always maintained, neither the senatorial aristocracy nor the Roman Church had forgotten their enmity towards a master obnoxious as a barbarian and an Arian. Naturally they turned their gaze ceaselessly upon Byzantium, where an orthodox prince was striving to restore the faith and to defend religion. In 524 Theodoric, exasperated by the intercourse which he suspected, had Boethius and Symmachus arrested and condemned to death, and furthermore in the following year sent Pope John on an embassy to Constantinople to protest against the Emperor's harsh measures towards those who would not conform. Justinian was ready to treat the matter in a way calculated to further his own ends. A solemn and triumphant reception was prepared for the pontiff in the capital. The Emperor, with the populace, sallied forth twelve miles to meet the first pope who had ever entered Constantinople. Sovereign honours were lavished upon him, and Justin desired to be reconsecrated by his hands. When on his return Theodoric, misdoubting the success of the embassy, arrested and imprisoned the unhappy John, who died miserably in his prison soon afterwards (18 May 526), no Italian could help comparing this heretical and persecuting prince with the pious basileus who reigned in the East. It followed that when death claimed Theodoric in his turn (Aug. 526) and when the regent Amalasuntha was involved in difficulties, the population of the peninsula was intoxicated by hope, and only waited an opportunity for changing their master, and eagerly cried out for a deliverer.

Meanwhile Justinian's domestic policy successfully overcame the obstacles which, one after another, threatened the security of the new

505-565]

The Persian War

7

government. Vitalianus was a rival not to be despised, and at first he was tactfully treated. He was given the title of magister militum praesentalis and became Consul in 520. He appeared to be all-powerful in the palace, and afterwards Justinian got rid of him by means of an assassin. The Greens were partisans of Anastasius. Against them the Emperor raised up for himself a devoted party amongst the Blues, to whom every privilege, and every opportunity to harm their foes was given throughout the Empire. Further, to please the mob of the capital, great largess was distributed. The imperial Consulate in 521 was unrivalled for the magnificence of its shows, which cost 288,000 solidi, more than £200,000 sterling to-day. In this way Justinian became popular amongst all classes in Byzantium, with the Church by his orthodoxy, with the senate by his flattery, and with the aristocracy and the populace. Feeling thus secure, he launched forth on his career. At this time his connexion with Theodora began, which ended in a somewhat scandalous marriage. Neither Justin nor Byzantium appear to have been much shocked by it. To please his nephew the Emperor conferred on his mistress the high dignity of patrician; he then, in order that the marriage might take place, abrogated the law by which alliances between senators and high officials and actresses were forbidden. When, in 527, Justinian was officially associated in the Empire, Theodora was crowned with him on Easter Day in the church of St Sophia, by the hands of the patriarch. When Justin died (1 Aug. 527), his nephew succeeded him without opposition. He was to reign over the Roman Empire in the East for nearly forty years (527-565), and to begin to realise the ambitious dreams which had long filled his soul.

II

However, during the first years of his reign, before beginning to carry out the far-reaching plans which he had made, or even thinking of the reconstruction of the Roman Empire on its ancient plan, Justinian had to deal with numerous and serious difficulties.

The Persian war, stopped by the peace of 505, had again broken out in the last months of Justin's reign. The old king Kawad declared war, worried by the encroaching policy of Byzantium, and specially menaced by the increase of Roman influence during Justin's reign in the Caucasus region among the Lazi, the Iberians, and even the Huns, and furthermore indignant at the attack that the imperialists attempted on Nisibis. The vassals of the two States were already at daggers drawn on the Syrian and Armenian frontiers, and in Mesopotamia open war was on the point of breaking out. To Justinian this was specially annoying, since it necessitated the mobilisation of the greater part of the Byzantine army under Belisarius, its most famous general, on the Asiatic frontier. The Emperor had only one care, which was not to proceed to extremities,

8

Justinian's Ministers

[517-532

and to end the war as soon as possible. Not realising, perhaps not wishing to realise, the greatness of the Eastern peril, and anxious only to free his hands for the conquest and liberation of the West, he shewed himself ready to make the largest concessions in order to heal the breach. In this way the peace of 532 was concluded, and gave to Justinian the disposition of his entire forces.

At home, other difficulties presented themselves. The special favour shewn by the government to the Blues, led to a dangerous agitation in the capital. Sure of imperial support the Blues took all possible licence against their adversaries without let or hindrance from police or justice. Thus injured, the Greens opposed violence to violence, and since they were still attached to the family of their old protector Anastasius, whose nephews Hypatius and Pompeius dwelt in Constantinople, their opposition soon took on a political and dynastic complexion. This resulted in a perilous state of unrest in the capital, still further aggravated by the deplorable condition of the public administration.

At the beginning of his reign Justinian had chosen as ministers Tribonian, nominated in 529 Quaestor of the Sacred Palace, and John of Cappadocia, invested in 531 with the high post of praetorian praefect in the East. The former was a remarkable man. An eminent jurist, and the greatest scholar of the day, he was unfortunately capable of any action for the sake of money, and as ready to sell justice as to amend the law. The latter was a skilful administrator, and a real statesman, but harsh, unscrupulous, greedy, and cruel. Nothing could check him in his efforts to tear from the subjects the money needed for the Emperor's ceaseless expenditure, and although he won the favour of the prince by his great skill in finding resources, his harshness and exactions made him otherwise universally detested. Under such ministers, the officials in every rank of the government service thought only of imitating their chiefs. The rapacity of the government ruined the taxpayers, while the partiality of the administration of justice resulted in a general feeling of insecurity. Under the weight of these miseries the provinces, according to an official document, had become" quite uninhabitable." The country was depopulated, the fields deserted, and complaints poured into Constantinople from all sides against "the wickedness of the officials." An incessant stream of immigration brought a host of miserable folk to the capital, adding new elements of disorder and discontent to those already there. From these causes sprang, in January 532, the dangerous rising known as the Nika Riot, which shook Justinian's throne.

The Emperor was hissed at in the Circus (11 Jan. 532), and the disturbance spread beyond the boundaries of the hippodrome, and soon reached all quarters of the city. Greens and Blues made common cause against the hated government, and soon to the accompaniment of cries of NIKA (Victory) the crowd was tearing at the railings of the imperial palace, demanding the dismissal of the praefect of the city, and of the

532]

The Nika Riot

9

two hated ministers, Tribonian and John of Cappadocia. Justinian gave way, but too late. His apparent weakness only encouraged the mob, and the revolt became a revolution. The fires kindled by the rebels raged for three days, and destroyed the finest quarters of the capital. Justinian, almost destitute of means of defence, shut himself up in the palace without attempting to do anything, and the obvious result followed. As might have been expected, the mob proclaimed emperor Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius, and, swelled by all malcontents, the insurrection became a definite political movement. "The Empire," wrote an eye-witness, "seemed on the verge of its fall." Justinian, in despair of curbing the riot which had continued for six days, lost his head, and thought of saving himself by flight. He had already ordered to load the imperial treasure in ships. It was then that Theodora rose in the Council, to recall to their duty the Emperor and ministers who were abandoning it. She said: "When safety only remains in flight still I will not flee. Those who have worn the crown should not survive its fall. I will never live to see the day when I shall no longer be saluted as Empress. Flee if you wish, Caesar; you have money, the ships await you, the sea is unguarded. As for me, I stay. I hold with the old proverb which says that the purple is a good windingsheet." This display of energy revived the courage of all. As soon as discord had been sown among the rebels by a lavish distribution of gold, Belisarius and Mundus with their barbarian mercenaries threw themselves on the crowd collected in the hippodrome. They gave no quarter, but continued their bloody work throughout the night (18 January). More than 30,000 corpses according to one computation, more than 50,000 according to other witnesses, flooded the arena with blood. Hypatius and Pompeius were arrested, and both executed the next morning. Other condemnations followed, and, thanks to the frightful bloodshed which ended this six days' battle, order was established once more in the capital, and thenceforth the imperial power became more absolute than ever.

In spite of every difficulty the imperial diplomacy never lost sight of any event that might further the accomplishment of Justinian's plans. Occurrences in the Vandal kingdom in Africa and the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy were carefully watched for the profit of the Empire. In Africa, as in Italy, everything was in favour of the imperial restoration. The Roman people, governed by barbarian kings, had kept alive the memory of the Empire, and looked impatiently to Constantinople for a deliverer. According to Fustel de Coulanges "they persisted in regarding the Roman Empire as their supreme head; the distant power seemed to them to be an ancient and sacred authority, a kind of far-off providence, to be called upon as the last hope and consolation of the unfortunate." They felt still more keenly, perhaps, the misery of being ruled by heretical sovereigns. In Africa, where rigorous persecution of