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success.

Opposition of the Meccans

For several years Mahomet continued to preach with little apparent His converts were, with rare exceptions, persons of a low class or even foreign slaves, such as Bilal the Abyssinian. Some members of his own family, in particular his uncle 'Abd-al-'Uzzā, nicknamed Abū Lahab, bitterly opposed him; even his protector Abū Tālib remained to the last an unbeliever. It would be a mistake to suppose that the enemies of the new faith were actuated by religious fanaticism. They were, for the most part, simply men of the world who, proud of their social position, objected to recognising the claims of an upstart and dreaded any sweeping change as likely to endanger the material advantages which they derived from the traditional cult. To the majority of the citizens Mahomet appeared a madman; some called him a "poet," an accusation which gave him great pain, for, as the Koran shews, he regarded the poets with peculiar aversion. That he had to endure many affronts was quite natural, but actual violence could not have been employed against him without risk of a blood-feud, which the Meccans were always most anxious to avoid. Those of his disciples, however, who had no relatives to protect them were occasionally treated with cruelty. At length the majority of the converts, finding their position intolerable, fled for refuge to Abyssinia, with the full consent, if not at the express command, of the Prophet. He himself remained at Mecca with a mere handful of followers.

When it became known that the emigrants had been kindly received by the Christian king of Abyssinia, considerable alarm prevailed among the chiefs of the Kuraish, lest the Abyssinians, whose devastating invasions were still vividly remembered, should be tempted to intervene on behalf of the persecuted Muslims. Accordingly a deputation was sent from Mecca for the purpose of persuading the king to hand over the fugitives as prisoners; the king, however, refused, whereupon the indignation of Mahomet's enemies was still further excited. The Prophet, reduced to extremities, fell into the error of attempting to overcome opposition by means of a compromise. He went so far as to publish a revelation in which the three principal goddesses of Mecca were recognised as "highly exalted beings whose intercession may be hoped for." For a while the polytheists appeared to be satisfied, and a report that the persecution was at an end caused some of the emigrants to come back from Abyssinia. In the meanwhile the Prophet repented of the concession he had made, and declared that the verse in question had been put into his mouth by Satan. The feud thereupon broke out afresh. To the heathen Meccans Mahomet's conduct on this occasion naturally seemed to convict him of imposture; since, however, he had long been accustomed to regard all his impulses as due to some

1 The word gharānīķ, here rendered "exalted," is of doubtful meaning: an early Muslim poet uses it as an epithet of chieftains or warriors (Kitab-al-Aghāni, VII. 75. 27 = VIII. 192. 3).

Mahomet reduced to straits

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supernatural cause, it is by no means certain that he did not sincerely believe himself to be acting by divine command both when he made the concession and when he withdrew it.1

It was probably about this time that an important conversion took place, that of Omar ('Umar) ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, a young man of no high social position but endowed with extraordinary ability and perseverance. He had at first been vehemently opposed to the new religion, so that his sudden conversion, of which there are several conflicting accounts, attracted all the more notice and doubtless inspired the Muslims with fresh courage. It is said that he set the example of praying publicly, in the neighbourhood of the Ka'ba; at all events from this time onwards the movement assumed a more open character. The chiefs of the Kuraish finally determined to adopt the only method of coercion known to them, short of positive violence; they offered to Mahomet's kinsmen, the Banū Hashim, the choice of declaring him an outlaw or of being themselves excluded from intercourse with the other Meccan clans. Most of the Banu Hashim were still unbelievers, but such was the sanctity attached to ties of blood that they all, with one or two exceptions, preferred to incur the penalty of social excommunication rather than deliver over Mahomet to his enemies. How long this breach lasted and by what means it was healed is uncertain; probably the manifold inconveniences which it caused to all parties soon brought about a change of public opinion.2

Very soon after intercourse had been re-established between the Banu Hashim and their fellow-townsmen, two serious calamities befell Mahomet, the death of his wife Khadija and that of his protector Abu Talib. There can be little doubt that this double bereavement rendered the Prophet's position at Mecca more precarious; henceforth he began to consider the possibility of finding a home elsewhere. His first attempt was made at a neighbouring town, called Ta'if, but he met with so unfavourable a reception that he speedily returned to Mecca, where he succeeded in obtaining a promise of protection from an influential heathen, Mut'im ibn 'Adi. For two or three years the ‘Adī. Prophet remained in his native city, making, it would seem, scarcely any effort to gain fresh converts among the resident population. His attention was turned chiefly to the pilgrims who visited Mecca or the immediate neighbourhood on the occasion of the yearly festivals. To these motley crowds he used to preach his doctrines, generally encounter

1 That many Muslim authorities consider this story fabulous is only what we might have expected. But it is amazing that it should be rejected by so impartial a historian as Caetani.

2 It must be admitted that the story of the excommunication of the Banû Hashim, as related by the principal authorities, presents some very suspicious features; but to conclude, with Caetani, that the whole episode is fictitious would involve still greater difficulties.

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The Converts from Medina

[616-620

ing indifference or ridicule. There were, however, some exceptions. In A.D. 620 he fell in with some pilgrims from Yathrib and, finding them well-disposed, entered into a series of negotiations which finally brought about a complete change not only in his own fortunes but in the history of the world.

Yathrib, known in subsequent times as Medina,' was a scattered group of villages rather than a city, situated in a fertile plain about 200 miles to the north of Mecca. Unlike the Meccans, who subsisted by commerce, the people of Medina had, from time immemorial, devoted themselves to agriculture, in particular to the cultivation of the datepalm. Long before the birth of Mahomet, Jewish colonists established themselves at Medina and propagated their religion with such success that by the beginning of the sixth century most of the inhabitants professed Judaism and were regarded as Jews, though they must have been mainly of Arab descent. These Judaised Arabs were divided into several clans, each occupying its own territory. In civilisation, especially in mechanical arts such as metal-working, they were greatly superior to their heathen neighbours, and for a while they dominated the whole district. But in the course of the sixth century, owing to circumstances with which we are imperfectly acquainted, the power of the Jews declined. Much of their territory passed into the hands of two heathen tribes (the Aus and the Khazraj), who in the time of Mahomet formed the bulk of the population. Between these tribes there raged a long and bitter feud. About the year 616 the Aus, with the help of the Jews, inflicted a severe defeat upon the Khazraj; this battle is known in Arabian tradition as the Day of Bu'ath. But the Khazraj, though humbled, were by no means crushed, and during the next few years every one went about in fear of his life. To the more intelligent of the people of Medina the situation must have seemed intolerable; peace was urgently required, yet no authority capable of restoring peace appeared to exist.

Such was the state of affairs when certain influential citizens of Medina became acquainted with Mahomet. Some of them who through intercourse with Jews had already imbibed monotheistic ideas, were doubtless attracted by his religious teaching; others perhaps, who were indifferent to religion, felt that a stranger claiming to speak with divine authority might be able to effect what they themselves had attempted in vain. In any case, a period of about two years elapsed between their first interview with the Prophet and their final decision to offer him a home in their midst. Meanwhile he had sent to Medina one of his Meccan disciples, Mus'ab ibn 'Umair, to act as his representative and keep him informed of all that passed.

1 In Arabic, al-Madīna, "the city," which is an abbreviation of Madinat-an-Nabi, "the city of the Prophet."

622]

The Emigration

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In the year 622, on the occasion of the annual pilgrimage, about seventy of the converts from Medina arranged to hold a meeting with Mahomet at midnight a few miles from Mecca. The Prophet went thither in the company of his uncle ‘Abbās, who was still an unbeliever,1 but from the heathen public in general the matter was carefully concealed. Mahomet demanded of the Medinese a solemn promise that if he betook himself to their country they would protect him from attack as they would protect their own families. This they all swore to do. As soon as he had secured a place of refuge, the Prophet ordered his Meccan disciples to emigrate to Medina. Attempts were made by the chiefs of the Kuraish to prevent the departure of the Muslims, but nearly all succeeded in escaping and reached Medina a few weeks later in small parties. The Prophet himself, with Abu Bakr and Ali, remained behind for a short time, apparently awaiting news as to the manner in which the Emigrants had been received. It is related, on somewhat doubtful authority, that his departure was hastened by a plot to assassinate him in his bed. In any case he left Mecca secretly, accompanied by Abu Bakr, in the summer or early autumn of 622. For a few days they remained hidden in a cave2 near Mecca, and then proceeded, as rapidly as possible, to Medina. Thus was accomplished the great event known as the Emigration (hijra, distorted by Europeans into hegira), which forms the starting-point of the Muslim era.3

On his arrival at Medina the Prophet was welcomed with enthusiasm by a large proportion of the natives; but he did not at once claim the position of a ruler. Those who acknowledged his divine mission could merely promise personal obedience. The people as a whole had not submitted to his authority; they were only his "Helpers" (Anṣār), pledged to defend him, for, according to Arabian notions, a guarantee of protection given by one member of a clan binds all the rest. It was by the gradual extension of his personal influence, not in virtue of any formal agreement, that he succeeded in making himself master of the place. The Meccan "Emigrants” (Muhājirūn) were, of course, entirely

1 The presence of al-'Abbas at this meeting seems at first difficult to explain, since Mahomet was nominally under the protection of Muțʻim ibn ‘Adī. Probably the Medinese were afraid that they might afterwards be accused of having carried off Mahomet by force, and therefore required that some member of his family should be present to testify that the Prophet's departure was voluntary. 2 Koran ix. 40.

'The Muslim era dates not from the precise moment of the Prophet's emigration but from the beginning of the Arabian year in which the Emigration took place, that is to say, from a point about 6 weeks earlier. Unfortunately, in consequence of the careless manner in which the heathen Arabs kept their calendar, it is not certain when the beginning of this year should be placed. According to the ordinary view, the year began on 16 July A.D. 622, and Mahomet arrived at Medina in the latter half of September; but Wellhausen makes the year begin in April.

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Mahomet's Position at Medina

devoted to him from the first, and formed, so to speak, his bodyguard. Many of the Medinese, especially those of the younger generation, were no less zealous in his cause; their principal duty, during the first few months after the Emigration, consisted in housing and feeding the Emigrants. But not a few, even of those who called themselves Muslims, were either hostile or indifferent; the Koran frequently refers to them as the "Hypocrites" (Munāfiķūn, a term borrowed from the Aethiopic). The most celebrated of these was a certain ‘Abdallāh ibn Ubayy, a chief of the Khazraj, who before the arrival of Mahomet had played a very prominent part. The opposition of such persons is to be ascribed mainly to personal jealousy or other worldly motives. More consistent, and hence more formidable, was the enmity of the Jews. It is clear that at first Mahomet confidently reckoned on their support, but he soon discovered his mistake. With rare exceptions they absolutely refused to acknowledge him as a prophet, and thus forced him to become their adversary. Henceforth the antagonism between Islām and Judaism began to shew itself even in externals. This was seen most clearly when, in the second year after the Emigration, Mahomet ordered his disciples to pray towards Mecca instead of praying towards Jerusalem.

The historian Ibn Ishāk has preserved for us the text of an important document which seems to have been drawn up, under the Prophet's direction, at about this time. It may be described as an attempt to settle, at least provisionally, the relations between the various classes into which the people of Medina were divided. All the inhabitants, believers and unbelievers alike, are declared to be a single community (umma); the clans remain distinct for certain purposes but are debarred from making war on one another. Should any dispute arise, the matter is to be brought before "God and Mahomet." All are bound to unite for the defence of Medina in case it should be attacked. No one is to conclude an agreement with the Kuraish (i.e. the heathen Meccans) or with any ally of the Kuraish.

The establishing of public security at Medina was necessarily the first object which the Prophet had in view; but in addition to this he found himself compelled to supply his own followers with the rudiments of a legal code. At Mecca his teaching had been almost entirely confined to the sphere of faith and personal morality; of external regulations he had seldom had occasion to speak. But as soon as Islām became the

1 Muslim authorities are unanimous in asserting that at this time both the Jews and the Christians were expecting a prophet to appear in Arabia and that precise descriptions of the coming prophet were contained in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. How this belief first arose among Muslims is not clear, but converts from Judaism and Christianity doubtless did their best to encourage it.

2 See Wellhausen, "Muhammads Gemeindeordnung von Medina," in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, IV. pp. 67-83.