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to the Romans, the countrymen of his wife Tassia. He evidently strove to lessen the disparity between Romans and Lombards. Nevertheless he saw himself compelled to invade the imperial Pentapolis and besiege Perusia. But when he desisted from this blockade upon the pope's personal intervention, the Lombards gave vent to their indignation over their king's romanising policy. The nobles raised Aistulf, the king's brave and fierce brother, upon the buckler at Milan (June 749); Ratchis was forced to abdicate, went to St Peter's on pilgrimage, was accepted as a monk by the pope, and retired to Monte Cassino.

Aistulf immediately took up again with the greatest energy Liutprand's conquering policy. The donations which Ratchis had made before Aistulf's elevation were annulled, intercourse with Romans was forbidden, commerce with a foreign country keenly watched, the frontier well guarded, and military duty regulated on the basis of the new social structure. The important towns of Comacchio and Ferrara were occupied and the Lombard king gave forth a charter as early as 7 July 751 in the palace of Ravenna, which the last exarch, Eutychius, was said to have surrendered. The north of Italy was now entirely in the hands of the Lombards, except the district of the Lagoons and the towns of Istria. Aistulf turned to central Italy, where Duke Lupus had died, and took into his own hands the government of Spoleto, the key-city of Rome. His next assault was of course directed to Rome. He stood before the walls of Rome in June 752 and received a papal embassy; it is alleged that he promised peace for forty years but broke the armistice after four months. His conditions were very hard: tribute paid by the inhabitants of the ducatus Romae and acknowledgment of his sovereignty. He ordered the abbots of Monte Cassino and St Vincenzo, who had appeared as the pope's envoys before him, to follow his commands as Lombard subjects, and return to their monasteries without entering Rome. The Emperor's embassy, which was conducted to Ravenna by the pope's brother, only so far succeeded that Aistulf sent an envoy to Constantinople with proposals that seemed unacceptable, at least to the pope. But the two envoys returned to Italy without having effected their object, while the Lombards had taken the castle of Ceccano, which belonged to the Church. Now Pope Stephen obtained a safe conduct and at the Emperor's command marched himself to Aistulf's court at Pavia (autumn 753). The king sent to meet him with orders not to venture a word about restoring the conquered territory. But the pope was not to be deterred, and fervently entreated the king to fulfil the conditions contained in a letter which an imperial envoy had brought. But it was in vain. Then the Frankish ambassadors, who had accompanied the pope, intervened and required Aistulf to let the pope go to Gaul. When the pope, at his next audience, declared that it was actually his intention to cross the Alps, Aistulf, it is said, roared with rage like a wild beast. But after vain endeavours to change

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the pope's resolution, he was obliged to dismiss him, not daring to detain him by force and expose himself to immediate conflict with the Franks. The pope left Pavia on 5 November. The new Frankish king Pepin was clearly resolved upon interfering in Italy, and Aistulf saw himself face to face with a new situation immediately before reaching the aim he had longed for so fervently.

But all links had not yet been broken off. Pepin sent embassies over the Alps three times in order to induce Aistulf to yield, but in vain. The public feeling among the Frankish nobles was by no means favourable to war, and Aistulf, wishing to profit thereby, sent to Gaul Pepin's brother and former co-regent Carloman, who was now monk in Monte Cassino. While the Frankish army was already advancing, the pope once more sent a letter full of entreaties to Aistulf, and Pepin offered 12,000 solidi as recompense for the disputed territories; Aistulf refused with threats and brought the whole of his forces, and the military material he had stored up for his enterprise against Rome, to Susa at the foot of Mont Cenis, awaiting the Franks' attack. He was too impatient however to hold out behind the fortified clusae, and attacked the Frankish vanguard by surprise; but not being able to deploy his superior forces in the narrow vale, he was thrown back and was himself very nearly killed; then he concentrated the rest of his army in the fortified city of Pavia, where the main army of the Franks appeared after a few days. But as the Franks shrank from a long siege and the Frankish nobles, who had kept up friendly relations with the Lombards dating perhaps from the time of Charles Martel, tried to mediate, peace was made, Aistulf confirmed the treaty by oath, promising to surrender those territories of Italy he had occupied illegally and to acknowledge formally the Frankish king's sovereignty. He sent forty hostages and made lavish presents to the king and the nobles as recompense for the expenses of war (autumn 754). The pope returned to Rome, accompanied by the Frankish ambassador Fulrad, and Pepin retired over the Alps. But Aistulf did not think of keeping his oath. Of all the towns he only surrendered Narni, and seeing that Pepin did not interfere again, he resolved to put an end to the quarrel by a master stroke. On 1 Jan. 756 a Lombard army again encamped before Rome on the right bank of the Tiber, Aistulf rapidly approached from Spoleto, and the Beneventans from the south. With terrible threats, he required the pope's surrender while his bands plundered the Campagna. Pepin's envoy, the abbot Warnehar, fought against the Lombards in full harness and then informed his prince of what he had seen. But Rome's strong walls saved her again; Aistulf gave up the siege after five months and returned to Pavia (5 April) to await a new attack from Pepin when winter was over and the melting snow rendered the passage possible.

The Lombards were once more dispersed by the Franks near the

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Desiderius

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clusae of Mont Cenis, and Aistulf again took refuge behind the walls of Pavia. Shut up in this fortress, he again entreated forgiveness and peace of Pepin by the nobles' intervention. The latter granted the rebel life and realm, which he had forfeited. Following the Frankish verdict to which he had appealed, he was obliged to pay as indemnity a third of the great royal hoard and costlier presents than two years before to guarantee his further submission, and engage himself to pay a yearly tribute of 12,000 solidi, as the Lombards had once done in the time of Agilulf. He actually now yielded up the towns whose surrender had been stipulated two years earlier and Comacchio besides, and so the same boundaries were re-established which had parted the two territories before Aistulf's accession to the throne. Liutprand's conquests however remained to the Lombard dominion, so that to the great disappointment of pope and emperor the status of the peace made in 680 was not restored. Nevertheless this was the greatest humiliation the Lombard realm had ever suffered for more than a century and a half, since that first league between the Byzantine Emperor and the Franks had been broken. Aistulf's eager policy of attack was crossed by a new factor which had not entered into his predecessor's calculations. The proud king did not long survive his fall. He died in consequence of an accident while hunting (December 756).

After Aistulf's death a grave crisis broke out in the Lombard State. The monk Ratchis left Monte Cassino and was acknowledged as ruler, "servant of Christ and prince of the Lombard people," especially in the north of the Apennines. But Spoleto as well as Benevento detached itself from the kingdom and set up Alboin as duke of Spoleto, who swore an oath of allegiance to the pope and the Frankish king. The duke Desiderius was raised upon the buckler in Tuscany, and as he engaged himself by document and by oath to surrender the towns belonging to the Empire, and to live in peace and friendship with the pope and the Frankish king, the Frankish plenipotentiary in Rome supported him with great energy and the pope prepared the Roman army for his defence. Ratchis then abdicated for the second time. On the pope's demand, Desiderius actually ceded Faenza and Ferrara, but as soon as he felt himself sure on the throne, he entered Spoleto by force without consideration of the pope's wishes, made Duke Alboin prisoner as a rebel, drove away the duke Liutprand of Benevento, who was obliged to take refuge behind the walls of Otranto, and set up Arichis as duke in his place, and gave him his daughter Adelperga to wife. He made a proposal of co-operation against the pope and the duke of Benevento to an imperial embassy which passed by: at the same time he tried to render the pope's connexion with his former allies as difficult as possible, appeared at St Peter's grave in Rome, pretending friendly intentions, and forced the pope to write a letter to Pepin, interceding for the surrender of the Lombard hostages. To be

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sure the pope recalled this letter by means of the very messenger who brought it, but still Desiderius succeeded in averting a new Frankish intervention, greatly desired by the pope, by making certain concessions, especially in relation to the patrimonies. At his next visit to Rome, Desiderius framed a compact on the Frankish embassies' advice about 763 on the basis of mutual acknowledgment of the status quo; and Desiderius promised to come to the pope's aid with all his forces in case of an attack from the Emperor. It was only after Pope Paul's death (767) that new difficulties with Rome arose when a party, hostile to the late government, had raised Constantine to the papal throne, and the defeated party's leader, the primicerius Christophorus, claimed the Lombards' help. The defeated party entered Rome by force, led by Lombard troops and the Lombard priest Waldipert, but the Lombard candidate Philip was not able to maintain himself on the papal throne in place of Constantine; Stephen III was elected and Waldipert himself slain by his former adherents (768). Shortly after this failure Desiderius tried to procure the archbishopric of Ravenna for Michael, one of his confidants (769); but Frankish commissioners dismissed him at the pope's wish.

A new combination in foreign politics seemed to change the present situation to the disadvantage of the pope and in favour of Desiderius. Desiderius and Tassilo of Bavaria, both menaced by the Frankish preponderance, had entered into friendly relations, and Tassilo had married Liutperga, daughter of Desiderius. Pepin's widow Bertrada conceived the plan of securing peace by bringing one of her sons into relationship with the Lombard royal family. Notwithstanding the pope's amazement, she crossed the Alps and asked one of Desiderius' daughters in marriage for her son Charles. The betrothal took place under the guarantee of the Frankish nobles and the marriage was accomplished. Meanwhile Bertrada had endeavoured to reassure the pope about her transactions with Desiderius. The latter had evidently renewed his promise to respect the territorial status quo and restore the patrimonies which were the private property of the Roman Church. Of course the next consequence was the fall of the anti-Lombard party prevailing in Rome. This was approved of by the pope, who wanted to escape his minister's predominant influence. Desiderius appeared before Rome with military forces, but under pretence of praying at the Apostle's grave and arranging disputed questions. The pope came out to him and received his promise by oath. But a papal chamberlain named Paulus Afiarta, the leader of the Lombard party, raised up within the town a revolt against Christophorus, whereupon the pope maintained that Christophorus and his party conspired against his life. The accused offered resistance within the town, but were betrayed by the Romans, abandoned by the pope, and cruelly killed by Paulus Afiarta and his accomplices. Desiderius did not now want to hear anything more

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about transactions with the pope. But the Frankish kings seem to have taken offence at his way of acting. Carloman died in Dec. 771, but Charles, who laid claim to the whole Frankish realm without considering Carloman's children, resolved to depart from the last year's policy. He repudiated Desiderius' daughter, well knowing that he made an enemy of the Lombard king by this insult. Carloman's widow Gerberga with her children and followers fled to the Lombard king, who was ready to use them as weapons against Charles. The new pope Hadrian was naturally on the side of Charles, and so the political combination of the time before Bertrada's intervention was re-established. Embassies between the pope and Desiderius had no effect because the pope did not trust the king's promises, and for fear of losing his hold upon the Frankish king firmly refused to anoint as kings Carloman's children at the wish of Desiderius. Paulus Afiarta and his followers (the Lombard party) were removed and punished, so that the Frankish influence again decided the papal policy.

Meanwhile Desiderius had again occupied Faenza, Ferrara, Comacchio (spring 772), and threatened Ravenna on every side; then he took Sinigaglia, Jesi, Urbino, Gubbio commanded his troops to attack Bieda and Otricoli, in order to frighten the pope, and marched against Rome with Carloman's children, after having vainly entreated the pope to come to him. The latter made all preparations for defence and raised his forces in Rome, but sent three bishops to the royal camp at Viterbo with a bull, threatening with excommunication the king and all who dared to step upon Roman soil. Desiderius actually broke up his camp and retired; but the answer he made to the Frankish embassies, which appeared in Italy at the pope's wish, in order to become acquainted with the state of things, shews clearly enough that he expected to meet a decisive stroke. He had prepared himself for this moment during the whole time of his reign, trying to ensure the dynasty by the nomination of his son Adalgis as co-regent (759), and to restrain the independence of the dukes, though still attaching them to his person. He had made costly presents to the great monasteries, and endowed them with privileges, and had strengthened his party by new donations of landed property. But nevertheless the Lombard kingdom did not offer united resistance to the Franks. A number of emigrants had already fled to the Franks even before the beginning of the war, and many nobles now left Spoleto and went to Rome. Benevento did not take any part in the war, and after the first failure not only the Spoletan contingents but also a number of towns submitted to the pope voluntarily. Charles only found resistance from the towns where the Lombard kings defended themselves. Treason played a great part in the fall of the Lombard realm, a fact which can be traced even in the sagas. After having refused Charles' last offer, to pay 17,000 solidi if he fulfilled the pope's demand, Desiderius put his trust in the strong position near the clusae

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