20

Administration in Africa and Italy

maintain that by them Justinian had won for the Empire a great and incontestable increase of prestige and honour. In some respects it may have proved a misfortune that he had taken upon him the splendid but crushing heritage of Roman traditions and memories with the crown of the Caesars none the less, none of his contemporaries realised that he had repudiated the obligations they entailed. His most savage detractors saw in his vast ambitions the real glory of his reign. Procopius wrote "The natural course for a high-souled Emperor to pursue, is to seek to enlarge the Empire, and make it more glorious."

IV

Justinian's great object in accomplishing the imperial restoration in the West was to restore the exact counterpart of the ancient Roman Empire, by means of the revival of Roman institutions. The aim of the two great ordinances of April 534 was the restoration in Africa of that "perfect order" which seemed to the Emperor to be the index of true civilisation in any State. The Pragmatic Sanction of 554, while it completed the measures taken in 538 and 540, had the same object in Italy to "give back to Rome Rome's privileges," according to the expression of a contemporary. By what appears at first sight to be a surprising anomaly, remarkably well illustrating, however, Justinian's disinclination to change any condition of the past he endeavoured to restore, the Emperor did not extend to the West any of the administrative reforms which he was compassing in the East at the same time.

In Africa, as in Italy, the principle on which the administrative reorganisation was carried out was that of maintaining the ancient separation between civil and military authority. At the head of the civil government of Africa was placed a praetorian praefect, having seven governors below him, bearing the titles of consulares or praesides, who administered the restored circumscriptions which had been established by the Roman Empire. The numerous offices in which Justinian, with his usual care for detail, minutely regulated the details of staff and salaries, helped the officials and assured the predominance of civil rule in the praefecture of Africa. It was the same in the reconstructed praefecture of Italy. From 535 a praetor was at the head of reconquered Sicily, after 538 a praetorian praefect was appointed in Italy, and the régime of civil administration was established the day after the capitulation of Ravenna. The reorganisation was carried out by the Pragmatic of 554. Under the praefect's high authority, assisted, as formerly, by the two vicarii of Rome and Italy, the civil officials governed the thirteen provinces into which the peninsula was still divided. Occasionally in practice political

or military exigencies led to the concentration of all the authority in the same hands. In Africa Solomon and Germanus combined the functions

Administration in Africa and Italy

21

and even the titles of praetorian praefect and magister militum. In Italy Narses was a real viceroy. These, however, were only exceptional deviations from the established principle, and only concerned the supreme government of the province. At the same time Justinian introduced the legislation that he had promulgated into the reconquered West. The financial administration was co-ordinated with the territorial. The ancient system of taxation, slightly modified elsewhere by the barbarians, was completely restored, and the supplies so raised were divided, as had formerly been the case, between the praefect's arca and the coffer of the largitiones. A comes sacri patrimonii per Italiam was appointed, and the imperial logothetae exacted with great harshness arrears of taxation, dating back to the time of the Gothic kings, from the country already ruined by warfare.

Thus Justinian meant to efface, with one stroke of the pen, anything that might recall the barbarian "tyranny." Contracts signed in the time of Totila, donations made by the barbarian kings, economic measures passed by them in favour of settlers and slaves, were all pronounced void, and the Pragmatic restored to the Roman proprietors all lands that they had held before the time of Totila. However, though he might shape the future, the Emperor was obliged to accept many existing facts. The newly-created praefecture of Africa corresponded to the Vandal kingdom, and included, as the Vandal kingdom had done, along with Africa, Sardinia and Corsica which the barbarians had torn from Italy. The Italian praefecture, already reduced by this arrangement, was further diminished by the loss of Dalmatia and Sicily, which formed a province by themselves. The Italian peninsula alone concerned the praefect of Italy.

The military administration was on the same lines as the civil, but very strictly separated from it. Responsible for the defence of the country, it was reconstructed on the Roman model, according to the minute instructions of the Emperor. Belisarius in Africa and Narses in Italy organised the frontier defence. Each province formed a great command, with a magister militum at its head; Africa, Italy, and Spain comprised one each. Under the supreme command of these generals, who were Commanders-in-Chief of all the troops stationed in the province, dukes governed the military districts (limites) created along the whole length of the frontier. In Africa there were originally four, soon afterwards five (Tripolitana, Byzacena, Numidia, and Mauretania), four also in Italy, along the Alpine frontier. Dukes were also installed in Sardinia and Sicily. In this group of military districts, troops of a special nature were stationed, the limitanei (borderers) formed on the model formerly invented in the Roman Empire, and partly restored by Anastasius. Recruited from the provincial population, specially on the frontier, these soldiers received concessions of land, and pay as well. In time of peace their duty was to cultivate the land they occupied, and to

22

Administration in Africa

keep a sharp watch on the roads crossing the limes; in time of war they took up arms either to defend the post specially committed to their charge, or combined with similar troops to beat back the invader. In either case they might never leave the limes, as perpetual military service was the necessary condition of their tenure of land. These tenantsoldiers were empowered to marry, grouped in regiments commanded by tribunes, and stationed in the fortified towns and castles on the frontier. This kind of territorial army, organised by Justinian along all the borders of the Empire, enabled him to reduce the strength of the troops of the line, and keep them for big wars. A close-drawn net of fortresses supported this formation. In Africa, specially, where the Vandals had razed the fortifications of nearly all the towns, Justinian's lieutenants had an enormous task before them. No point was left undefended, and in Byzacena and Numidia several parallel lines of fortresses served to block all openings, cover all positions of strategic importance, and offer a refuge to the surrounding population in time of danger. A number of fortresses were built or restored from Tripolitana to the Pillars of Hercules, where stood Septem "that the whole world could not take," and from the Aures and Hodna to Tell. Even to-day North Africa abounds in the colossal ruins of Justinian's fortresses, and the hardly dismantled ramparts of Haidra, Beja, Madaura, Tebessa, and Timgad, to cite no more, bear witness to the great effort by which, in a few years, Justinian restored the Roman system of defence. Furthermore, in following the example set by Rome, Justinian tried to incorporate in the imperial army the barbaric peoples dwelling on the outskirts of the Empire. These gentiles or foederati made a perpetual treaty with the Emperor, on receiving a promise of an annual subsidy (annona). They put their contingents at the disposal of the Roman dukes of the limes, and their chiefs received from the Emperor's hands a kind of investiture, as a sign of the Roman sovereignty, when they were given insignia to denote their command, and titles from the Byzantine hierarchy. Thus from the Syrtis to Mauretania there stretched a fringe of barbarian client princes, acknowledging themselves as vassals of the basileus, and called — Mauri pacifici. According to the expression of the African poet Corippus, "trembling before the arms and success of Rome, of their own accord they hastened to place themselves under the Roman yoke and laws."

By carrying out the great work of reorganisation in Africa and Italy, Justinian flattered himself that he had achieved the double object of restoring the "complete peace" in the West and "repairing the disasters" which war had heaped on the unhappy countries. It remains to be seen how far his optimism was justified, and to reckon the price paid by the inhabitants for the privilege of entering the Roman Empire once more.

In a celebrated passage of the Secret History Procopius has enumerated

all the misfortunes which the imperial restoration brought on Africa and Italy. According to the historian the country was depopulated, the provinces left undefended and badly governed, ruined further by financial exactions, religious intolerance, and military insurrections, while five million human lives were sacrificed in Africa, and still more in Italy. These were the benefits conferred in the West by the "glorious reign of Justinian." Although in crediting this account some allowance must be made for oratorical exaggeration, yet it is certain that Africa and Italy emerged from the many years of warfare to a great extent ruined, and that a terrible economic and financial crisis accompanied the imperial restoration. During many years Africa suffered all the horrors incident to Berber incursions, military revolts, destruction of the country by sword and fire, and the murder and flight of the population. The inevitable consequences of the struggle pressed no less hardly on Italy, which underwent the horrors of long sieges, famine, massacre, disease, the passage of the Goths, and the passage of imperialists, added to the furious devastations of the Alemanni. The largest towns, such as Naples, Milan, and specially Rome were almost devoid of inhabitants, the depopulated country was uncultivated, and the large Italian proprietors were repaid for their devotion to Byzantium and their hostility to Totila by total ruin.

The exactions of the soldiers added yet more wretchedness. By their greed, insolence, and depredations the imperialists made those whom they declared free regret the barbarian domination. The new administration added the harshest financial tyranny to the misery caused by the war. Justinian was obliged to get money at any cost, and therefore the barely conquered country was given over to the pitiless exactions of the agents of the fisc. The provinces were not only expected to support unaided the expense of the very complicated administration imposed on them by Justinian, but were further obliged to send money to Constantinople for the general needs of the monarchy. The imperial logothetae applied the burdensome system of Roman taxes to the ruined countries without making any allowance for the prevailing distress. They mercilessly demanded arrears dating from the time of the Goths, falsified the registers in order to increase the returns, and enriched themselves at the expense of the taxpayer to such an extent that, according to a contemporary writer, "nothing remained for the inhabitants but to die, since they were bereft of all the necessities of life."

Desolate, helpless, brought to the lowest straits, the Western provinces begged the Emperor to help them in their misery if he did not wish, to quote the official document, "that they should be overcome by the impossibility of paying their debts." Justinian heard this appeal. Measures were taken in Africa to restore cultivation to the fields, the country districts were repeopled, various works of public utility were organised in the towns, ports were opened on the coasts, hydraulic

24

Results of Justinian's Peign

works were bustered or repaired in the interior of the land, and m ellen were founded in the wilds of the high Numidian plateau. Cartha itself, newly adorned with a palace, churches, splendid baths, a fashionable &quares, shewed the interest taken by the prince in his n provinces. The result of all this was a real prosperity. Similar measu were taken in Italy, either to tide over the crisis resulting from the ma of debts and give time to the debtors, or to alleviate in some degi the crushing burden of the taxes. At the same time the Emper busied himself in the restoration of the great aristocracy which h been broken down by Totila, but to which he looked for the ch support of the new régime. For a similar reason he protected a enriched the Church, and set himself as in Africa by means of t development of public works to repair the evils of the war. Raven was beautified by such buildings as San Vitale and San Apollinare Classe, and became a capital; Milan was raised from her ruins, Ro was put in possession of privileges likely to lead to an economic reviv and Naples became a great commercial port.

Unfortunately, in spite of Justinian's good intentions, the financ burden weighed too heavily upon a depopulated Italy to allow of a real revival. In the greater number of towns industry and commer disappeared; lack of implements hindered the improvement of the lan and large uncultivated and desert tracts remained in the country. T middle classes tended more and more to disappear, at the same ti that the aristocracy either became impoverished or left the countr Justinian exerted himself in vain to restore order and prosperity promising to protect his new subjects from the well-known greed of officials: the imperial restoration marked, at any rate in Italy, t beginning of a decadence which long darkened her history.