this surprising change had made upon the nation, were not then quite worn out. Yet, jealousies and fears (such as were not groundless) were by that time pretty generally revived, the King appearing eagerly bent upon freeing himself from shackles, and setting up arbitrary government.' Vol. I. p. 66. 6 The Author was not fourteen years of age, when James II. acceded to the throne. His brief account of the latter part of the previous reign, consists chiefly, therefore, of his early recollections. It relates, however, some interesting facts. Dr. Calamy states, that Lord Shaftesbury was the contriver and manager of the Test Act; and, by a good token, he and the Duke of Buckingham, and the other great men that pushed 'that act forward, assured the Dissenters, that they should have a clause inserted in their favour, in some other act, the same session, though it was unhappily omitted.' Young Calamy was present at the proclaiming of King James II. at the upper end of Wood Street; and he says: that oc And it is My heart ached within me at the acclamations made upon casion, which, as far as I could observe, were very general. to me a good evidence that all the histories that fall into our hands are to be read with caution, to observe that Bishop Burnet positively affirms, that "few tears were shed for the former, nor were there any shouts of joy for the present king". Whereas I, who was at that time actually present, can bear witness to the contrary. The Bishop, indeed, who was then abroad, might easily be misinformed; but methinks he should not have been so positive in a matter of that nature, when he was at a distance. The new king was elevated, and some of his subjects transported; but nothing can be truer, than that there were great numbers of them that had very terrifying apprehensions as to what was to be expected. To me, I must own, it in a very sensible manner discovers the great changeableness of this world, that King James should at this time so quietly succeed his brother, without any thing like a dispute or contest, when, but five years before, the majority of three Houses of Commons were so bent upon excluding him, that nothing could satisfy them, if this was not compassed.' Vol. I. pp. 116, 17. In 1687, 8, Mr. Calamy, at the recommendation of Mr. Howe, proceeded to Utrecht, to complete his theological studies in that city; and he continued in Holland till the year 1691. Among other eminent and illustris persons, professors, refugees, or students, with whom he there became acquainted, was Lord Spencer, son of the Earl of Sunderland, who, when Secretary of State, in the reign of Charles II., had appeared very zealous for the Bill of Exclusion.. 'Yet, within two years after, when the tide began to turn, as Archdeacon Echard observes, he artfully wrought himself into all favour, and made the Duke of York sensible that every thing he had done in VOL. IV.-N.S. D D Parliament, that seemed to be against his interest, was much for his advantage. He satisfied him, that the reason why he appeared for his exclusion, which he knew would not pass, was to prevent the limitatations which, he was sure, would have passed, if not opposed by him and others, and would have made him a Doge of Venice, rather than a monarch.' Vol. I. p. 155. Some brief but interesting biographical notices are given of several other public characters of the day. Of Tillotson, Dr. Calamy speaks in terms of high veneration; and he professes himself to have been one of those who were very well disposed towards falling in with the Establishment, could the Archbishop's scheme of comprehension have taken place. The main thing I was an enemy to, was proper church power; and to that, I believe, I always shall be an enemy. And I am very much mistaken in Dr. Tillotson's true character, if he was not so too. And I take that to be the real reason why the convocation whom he advised King William to consult with about what was then designed, were for the greatest part of them his enemies, and continued so to the last. ‹ Dr. Tillotson did advise King William to begin with the Convocation. Yet, when he found Dr. Jane with a high hand made Prolocutor of the Lower House instead of himself, who had a great deal of reason to expect it, on the account of his place and station in the Church; (which election, the Compiler of the Compleat History of England owns, was made on purpose to oppose the accommodation proposed,) and took notice with what resolution the body of them, from the very first, declared against any alterations, and how they fortified and strengthened their confederacies and combinations, he was convinced that the method he had been for, was really impracticable, as things then stood, and therefore was not for repeating the "dangerous experiment," or having any thing more to do with convocations all the while he continued archbishop. This, I must confess, I take for a full and sufficient proof, that what I offered was not "a bare conjecture," but a real reason, and one that is so convincing and satisfying, that it will not admit of an answer. And for the confirmation of this, I refer my reader to Bishop Burnet. There is another reflection on the Dissenters, which I think it not improper here to take notice of; and it is to be met with in the Life of King William, in three volumes, and reprinted in the Life of Dr. Henry Compton, Bishop of London, and also in "the Compleat History of England." The former of these authors, in his account of the year 1689, says, that "the Presbyterians did not a little contribute to exasperate the Convocation against them." Which is a suggestion, that (all circumstances being considered) I should have thought might very well have been spared. A majority in that Convocation were determined against any sort of condescension, that might pave the way for a coalition. This was so notorious, that this very author, but a few pages before, owns in so many words, that "the Bishop of London was sensible that the majority of the Lower House were resolved to oppose the intended union with the Dissenters." They resolved to oppose it, as a thing needless and useless, dishonourable to the Church, and against the common interest. This being the true state of the case, this being the known prevailing temper of the Convocation, to talk of their being "exasperated by the Presbyterians," at that particular juncture of time, is a perfect jest. Alas! the gentlemen of the Convocation did not like the tempers of these Dissenters, to whom the King desired they should be united, nor did they approve of their principles. They rather chose their room than their company; and to keep them out, than to let them into the Church. They were against uniting with them at any time; and much more at that time, when churchmen were so divided among themselves with respect to the Civil Government. To talk therefore, in such a case, of their being "exasperated by the Presbyterians," is perfectly trifling, and only looks as if a man willingly would find some apology for these gentlemen, did he but know how. And yet exasperated they were, and that to a great degree. And, therefore, when Dr. Jane was chosen prolocutor of the Lower House, in preference to Dr. Tillotson, and had in a Latin speech extolled the excellency of the Church of England, above all other Christian Communities, and concluded with these words, Nolumus Leges Angliæ mutari; the Bishop of London on the other part, being at the head of the Upper House, in the absence of the Archbishop, who did not think fit to appear, made a discourse in the same language, importing, that "they ought to endeavour to come to a temper in those things that were not essential in religion, thereby to open a door of salvation to abundance of straying Christians; and that it was their duty to shew the same indulgence and charity to the Dissenters under King William as some of the Bishops and Clergy had promised to them under King James." And he closed his speech with these words of Joseph to his brethren, Ne tumultuamini in consiliis vestris; thereby exhorting them to unanimity and concord. This was truly noble and generous in that Bishop, and serves, I think, to shew, that if he had to do in this with exasperated persons, it is they must bear the blame of not doing what they easily might have done, in order to the promoting peace and union at so seasonable a juncture; and that the throwing the blame on others, is a direct flying in his face. And it is observable, that it is owned by the Compiler of the third volume of "the Compleat History of England," that this Bishop could do nothing in the matter, but connive at their treating him with some indignity, which he did not deserve from them.' Vol. I. pp. 207-215. On his return to England in 1691, Mr. Calamy particularly waited on Mr. Baxter, who talked freely with him about his good old grandfather, 'for whom he declared a particu'lar esteem.' He was now 'well advanced in years, but 'delivered himself in public, as well as in private, with great 'vivacity and freedom, and his thoughts had a peculiar edge. 'He talked in the pulpit with great freedom about another world, like one that had been there, and was come as a sort of 'an express from thence, to make a report concerning it.' Mr. Calamy enters at length into the reasons which deter mined him for non-conformity, after a full consideration of the subject. Chillingworth's "Religion of Protestants" had considerable influence in determining him, together with the admissions and reasonings of Hooker and Jeremy Taylor. The whole of his remarks upon this subject, his analysis of the "Ecclesiastical Polity ", and citations from eminent divines of the Church of England, will be found extremely interesting. Mr. Calamy was publicly ordained, with six other candidates, June 22, 1694, not without some trouble and difficulty in obtaining ordainers' among the Presbyterian clergy, who would take part in a public service of the kind. Both Mr. Howe and Dr. Bates had declined to assist at a public ordination. From this period till the year 1731, these volumes contain very full memoirs of the public events and ecclesiastical transactions of the times; comprising much valuable and interesting information, historical and biographical: to which the Editor has added a very entertaining body of notes. Had he but added an index, as in his former publication, he would have laid us under still greater obligations. The copious index to Burton's Diary is admirably drawn up, and very greatly enhances the value of the publication. Our limits will not allow of further citations at present from the Calamy Memoirs; but. we shall probably have occasion to advert to their contents hereafter. They form a very valuable addition to that series of auto-biographical memoirs, which collectively throw so strong a light upon the most interesting period of our domestic annals. It is particularly acceptable, as it dovetails with Bishop Burnet's History of his own Time, carrying on the narrative nearly twenty years further into the last century. Of the Bishop's work, Dr. Calamy remarks, that, though not altogether free from defects and blemishes, it is likely enough to keep its 'credit, notwithstanding all the ill-natured and spiteful reflec'tions of Dr. Cockburn, Mr. Salmon, and Mr. Ben. Higgons,and we may add, of Dr. Southey himself. We have already referred to the opinions of the Editor of these publications, as not being by any means in perfect unison with our own; and we could have wished that he had, upon some occasions, forborne to give expression to them, where they do not seem to have been absolutely called for. At the same time, we freely concede, that he had a full right to exercise his own discretion in this particular, as we should have claimed to do, under similar circumstances. We do not feel it necessary to advert more specifically to the points upon which we are at issue. We shall content ourselves with referring, as a specimen, to the note on plenary inspiration, at Vol. II. pp. 231–233, which, after giving some valuable bibliographical information, closes with a remark somewhat too much in the spirit of Gibbon. Mr. Rutt is not quite correct, in the first place, when he represents Lowth, Wall, and others as contending for a plenary inspiration, although they insisted upon a real and proper inspiration of the Holy Scriptures; and in the next place, those writers were too good reasoners, as well as divines, to institute an inquiry into the antecedent probability of a miraculous agency, as a means of ascertaining a fact, which rests, not upon hypothesis, but upon historic testimony, confirmed by the clearest internal evidence. The primary proof of inspiration was the gift of prophecy. We have the prophetic record, as demonstrable evidence of the miraculous agency. If the inspiration of any portion of the Old Testament is questionable, it cannot be owing to any improbability in the case, but simply to a deficiency of evidence, when', to use the words of Lowth, the author is not certainly known, and consequently we cannot argue that it is inspired, from the character of its author. The 'evidence for its being inspired, or written by God's direction 'for the use of the Church, must (then) be resolved into the authority of the Jewish canon, as that is confirmed to us by Christ and his apostles.' NOTICES. Art. VII. Devotional Sonnets on some of the most striking Texts in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark. By a Member of the Church of England. 18mo. pp. 168. Price 4s. London. 1830. MR. Capel Lofft would not have allowed these quatorzains the title of sonnets; and although we are not quite so fastidious and rigid in our requirements, we must say, that the Writer appears to have no very distinct idea of the true character of that description of poem. But, as a series of short poetical pieces on Scriptural subjects, the volume may please those readers who do not require that pious sentiment should be set off by very brilliant or vigorous composition. The following is an average specimen. "Our Father."-MATT. vi. 9.. Conceiv'd and born in sin, thee, Father call? The man of sorrows" sojourned here on earth, * Lowth's Vindication (1699), p. 210. |