of attempting to force the subject beyond its nature, of swelling trifles into consequence, and working the ocean into tempest, To waft a feather, or to drown a fly.

Mr. Henry had a large share of what is called common sense; which sometimes resembled prescience. An instance of this our author gives in the language of Mr. Pope.

"I am informed," says that gentleman, "by colonel John Overton, that before one drop of blood was shed in our contest with Great Britain, he was at colonel Samuel Overton's, in company with Mr. Henry, colonel Morris, John Hawkins, and colonel Samuel Overton, when the last mentioned gentleman asked Mr. Henry, whether he supposed Great Britain would drive her colonies to extremities? And if she should, what he thought would be the issue of the war?" When Mr. Henry, after looking round to see who were present, expressed himself confidentially to the company in the following manner. She will drive us to extremities-no accommodation will take place-hostilities will soon commence-and a desperate and bloody touch it will be.' 'But,' said colonel Samuel Overton, do you think, Mr. Henry, that an infant nation as we are, without discipline, arms, ammunition, ships of war, or money to procure them-do you think it possible, thus circumstanced, to oppose successfully the fleets and armies of Great Britain?' I will be candid with you,' replied Mr. Henry. I doubt whether we shall be able, alone, to cope with so powerful a nation. But,' continued he, (rising from his chair with great animation,) where is France? Where is Spain? Where is Holland? the natural enemies of Great BritainWhere will they be, all this while? Do you suppose they will stand by, idle and indifferent spectators of the contest? Will Louis the XVI be asleep all this time? Believe me, no! When Louis the XVI shall be satisfied by our serious opposition, and our Declaration of Independence, that all prospect of reconciliation is gone, then, and not till then, will he furnish us with arms, ammunition, and clothing; and not with these only, but he will send his fleets and armies to fight our battles for us; he will form with us a treaty offensive and defensive, against our unnatural mother. Spain and Holland will join the confederation! Our independence will be established! and we shall take our stand among the nations of the earth!' Here he ceased; and colonel John Overton says, he shall never forget the voice and prophetic manner with which these predictions were uttered, and which have been since so literally verified. Colonel Overton says, at the word independence, the company appeared to be startled; for they had never heard any thing of the kind before even suggested." P. 93, 94.

It was not long after this, that Mr. Henry had an opportunity of exciting his countrymen to make the anticipated declaration of independence; for he was deputed by Virginia to attend the first meeting of the colonial congress, which convened in Carpenter's Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, on the 4th of September, 1774. In this meeting of patriots, Patrick Henry was the first person that arose to speak; but not until the occasion called for a mind of noble daring, and heroic love of liberty. Mr. Wirt has finely depicted this scene; and we quote him, without any apprehension of wearying our readers.

"The most eminent men of the various colonies, were now for the first time, brought together. They were known to each other by fame; but they were personally strangers. The meeting was awfully solemn. The object which had called them together, was of incalculable magnitude. The liberties of no less than three millions of people, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the wisdom and energy of their councils. No wonder, then, at the long and deep silence which is said to have followed upon their organization; at the anxiety with which the members looked around upon each other; and the reluctance which every individual felt to open a business so fearfully momentous. In the midst of this deep and death-like silence, and just when it was beginning to become painfully embarrassing, Mr. Henry arose slowly, as if borne down by the weight of the subject. After faultering, according to his habit, through a most impressive exordium, in which he merely echoed back the consciousness of every other heart, in deploring his inability to do justice to the occasion, he lanched gradually, into a recital of the colonial wrongs. Rising, as he advanced, with the grandeur of his subject, and glowing at length, with all the majesty and expectation of the occasion, his speech seemed more than that of mortal man. Even those who had heard him in all his glory, in the house of burgesses of Virginia, were astonished at the manner in which his talents seemed to swell and expand themselves, to fill the vaster theatre in which he was now placed. There was no rant-no rhapsody-no labour of the understanding-no straining of the voice-no confusion of the utterance. His countenance was erect-his eye steady-his action noble-his enunciation clear and firm-his mind poised on its centre-his views of his subject comprehensive and great-and his imagination, corruscating with a magnificence and a variety, which struck even that assembly with amazement and awe. He sat down amidst murmurs of astonishment and applause; and as he had been before proclaimed the greatest orator of Virginia, he was now, on every hand, admitted to be the first orator of America." P. 105, 106.

The luminous picture of Henry is not left wholly destitute of shades and blemishes. He could speak to congress, but he could not speak for them, to any persons beyond the sound of his voice. The sound of his eloquence could not reach the throne and parliament of England, although the fame of it did. Lee and Henry,' when called down from the heights of declamation, to the severer tests of intellectual excellence, the details of business, found themselves in a body of cool-headed, reflecting and most able men, by whom, they were in their turn, completely thrown into the shade;' for neither of them could write such an address as congress would adopt. Mr. Lee's draught was laid on the table, and in its place one was accepted, from the pen of that eminent patriot and politician, John Jay. Mr. Henry presented, according to appointment, a draught of a petition to the king, which shared no better fate.

"This is one of those incidents in the life of Mr. Henry," says his biographer, "to which an allusion was made in a former page, when it was observed, that notwithstanding the wonderful gifts which he had derived from nature, he lived himself, to deplore his early neglect of

literature. But for this neglect, that imperishable trophy won by the pen of Mr. John Dickinson would have been his; and the fame of his genius, instead of resting on tradition, or the short-lived report of his present biographer, would have flourished on the immortal page of the American history." P. 109.

"He had become celebrated as an orator before he had learned to compose; and it is not therefore wonderful, that when withdrawn from the kindling presence of the crowd, he was called upon,for the first time to take the pen, all the spirit and flame of his genius were extinguished." P. 111.

When Mr. Henry returned from this first congress to his constituents, he was asked whom he thought the greatest man in congress,' and replied- If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, colonel Washington, is unquestionably, the greatest man on that floor.'

In March, 1775, Mr. Henry was a member of the convention of delegates from the several counties and corporations of Virginia,' which assembled in Richmond. In this body, while all the other leading members were still disposed to pursue only milk-and-water measures, he proposed and advocated the 'embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men,' as should be sufficient to defend the colony against the aggressions of the mother country; and, as usual, we have this proof of his powers of conviction, persuasion, and almost vivification, that he not only rivetted the attention of all, but gained his object.

"There is no longer any room for hope," said he. "If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight!-I repeat it, sir, we must fight!! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!*

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry," that we are weak-unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed; and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us, hand and foot? Sir, we are not

* "Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent, (judge Tucker,) "this sentence delivered with all the calm dignity of Cato, of Utica; imagine to yourself the Roman senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were awed by their presence, as if they had entered an assembly of the gods! imagine that you heard that Cato addressing such a senate-imagine that you saw the hand-writing on the wall of Belshazzar's palace-imagine you heard a voice as from heaven uttering the words, We must fight!" as the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed himself, and the auditory, of which I was one,"

weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable-and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let it come!!! "It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace-but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God!-I know not what course others may take; but as for me," cried he, with both his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its boldest note of exclamation"give me liberty, or give me death!"

"He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard. The effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members started from their seats. The cry, to arms,' seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! Richard H. Lee arose and supported Mr. Henry, with his usual spirit and elegance. But his melody was lost amidst the agitations of that ocean, which the master spirit of the storm had lifted up on high. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard, in every pause, the cry of liberty or death. They became impatient of speech-their souls were on fire for action."* P. 122-124.

* Mr. Randolph in his manuscript history, has given a most eloquent and impressive account of this debate. Since these sheets were prepared for the press, and at the moment of their departure from the hands of the author, he has received from chief-justice Marshall, a note in relation to the same debate, which he thinks too interesting to suppress. It is the substance of a statement made to the chief-justice (then an ardent youth, feeling a most enthusiastic admiration of eloquence, and panting for war) by his father, who was a member of this convention. Mr. Marshall, (the father,) after speaking of Mr. Henry's speech "as one of the most bold, vehement, and animated pieces of eloquence that had ever been delivered," proceeded to state, that "he was followed by Mr. Richard H. Lee, who took a most interesting view of our real situation. He stated the force which Britain could probably bring to bear upon us, and reviewed our resources and means of resistance. He stated the advantages and disadvantages of both parties, and drew from this statement, auspicious inferences. But he concluded with saying, admitting the probable calculations to be against us, we are assured in holy writ that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; and if the lapguage of genius may be added to inspiration, I will say with our immortal bard:

·

Thrice, is he armed, who hath his quarrel just!
And he, but naked, though lock'd up in steel,
Whose conscience, with injustice is oppress'd!'"

We hear a little too frequently of tones that mingle with the nerves, and a voice that shivers along the arteries; but still Mr. Wirt's description of Mr. Henry, we think as superlatively eloquent as the speeches which are reported.

On the 20th of April, 1775, the king's governor, Dunmore, clandestinely removed twenty barrels of powder from the magazine in Williamsburg; and on the 2d of May, Mr. Henry having convened the Independent Company of Hanover by request, addressed them; was appointed their leader; and marched them against his excellency; who thought it advisable to comply with the demand of this inexperienced officer, and save his own person, by paying three hundred and thirty pounds, the estimated value of the powder. Thus, the same man, whose genius had in the year 1765 given the first political impulse to the revolution, had now the additional honour of heading the first military movement in Virginia, in support of the same cause.' To honour him for this exploit, and to subserve the interests of the people, the colonial convention of Virginia which met in July, 1775, appointed him colonel of the first regiment, and the commander of all the forces raised, and to be raised, for the defence of the colony!' This convention appointed also a committee of safety, which officiated as the temporary executive of the colony, in the absence of governor Dunmore; who, having in a horrible manner committed murder, sought security in flight. This committee seem to have questioned Mr. Henry's capacity for the superintendence of an army, because he wanted science and experience; and hence, united with some aspiring officers, to render his commission an empty title. He solicited the post of peril; he demanded permission to face the enemy; and they gave him-snug winter quarters in Williamsburg. Without any good reason, the committee were determined to estimate him, not as our government, during the late war, estimated our gallant Gaines, Scott, Ripley, Brown and Jackson, who, instead of being condemned before trial, were sent to the conflict. Mr. Henry was the subject of cruel machinations, and shameful injustice; but let us not wonder at it; for the committee of safety saw no impropriety in constituting the same man a colonel of a regiment, and the commander in chief of all the forces. In modern military tactics, a captain general of a state, would cut a figure indeed, were he to play the colonel to himself in the character of generalissimo!

The colonial congress too, were misguided; and induced to supercede our colonel commander in chief, without having given him any opportunity to signalize himself. We cannot wonder, that in disgust he retired from the service; we admire him for still retaining all his patriotism; and honour him for stimulating his fellow soldiers, (who were disposed to resent the indignity done their favourite leader,) to continue the defenders of our American liberties. He was the more reconciled to the necessity which had compelled him to resign, because he believed that