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present copies of Dion Cassius have it Cataratacus; but Zonaras, the Constantinopolitan historian of the twelfth century, who, we nearly certainly know, had a fuller and better copy of that author before him than we now possess, has it Caratacus, which, in all probability, was the actual reading of Dion Cassius. This makes as near an approach to the Celtic name KERATIK as might be expected.

The learned Baxter, it may be here noted, in his Glossary of British Antiquities, p. 67, pronounced, above a century ago, that the form Caractacus was corrupt, and adopted that of Caratacus. In conclusion, as to date, it is probable from similarity of style observable in examining the two first coins themselves, and a cast of the third kindly furnished by the proprietor, for which the best acknowledgments are due, that they are nearly of the same date. The same, from similarity of representation, may be judged of Nos. IV. and V. The internal evidence of the coins, however, clearly shews, if the interpretation of the legend of the reverse of No. IV. imply “king's son," that they were all struck in the lifetime of Čunobeline, in the period when Caractacus had a provincial government. It seems pretty generally agreed by those who have studied this early and obscure part of the history of our island, that two of Cunobeline's sons, Caractacus and Togodumnus, were installed in provincial governments during their father's life; but that Adminius, who is reputed to have been the eldest son, had a government as signed to him we do not find intimated, nor do we know the causes of dissatisfaction of this prince, who revolted against his father, and, being driven out of the kingdom, made an assignment of his father's dominions, and surrendered himself to the Romans, as we find from Suetonius. These coins of Caractacus therefore verify the ideas entertained of his having been invested by Cunobeline with a provincial government; and, it may be added, that when he became absolutely independent by the death of the aged sovereign, it is rendered extremely probable, if the above interpretation of the reverse of No. IV. hold good, that if he coined at all he took some other style or designation.

Further, it may be added, we have from No. III. of these coins the only direct proof in existence that the Attrebates formed part of Cunobeline's dominions, which had been strongly surmised indeed, but not known with absolute certainty; but CALLE or Calleva, their capital, supposed to have been Wallingford, being mentioned on that coin, acquaints us with this particular. At a subsequent time Caractacus appears, as seems to be implied by Tacitus, Annals, xii. 33, to have been king of the Silures, the inhabitants of the southern part of Wales, the Ordovices occupying the northern. Indeed he may have been so at this time, as his government might extend westward from Calleva.

It may be mentioned that, during the course of the last century, various types were suggested, in addition to the two given by our old historical writers, as applying to Caractacus.

One of these was a coin of Carissa in

Spain, engraved in Mr. White's plate, of Fleet Street: a second, a Gaulish coin of Carmanum, engraved in the catalogue of the Pembroke collection, folio 1747. One or two others seem no better than forgeries, or engraved with legends excessively misread. Thus for a long period, the lapse of time brought no confirmation to the two types engraved so long before, which yet did not look like the creations of fancy.

At last, the numismatic works published within a few years on the Continent affording a clearer insight into the principles of Celtic coinage than before was the case; and the works and disquisitions of our native numismatists, Messrs. Akerman, C. Roach Smith, Hawkins, Birch and others, in publishing and bringing into notice numerous new and authentic types, have rendered the identification of the British coins feasible which have been the subject of the present inquiries. This would have been impracticable but a few years since, as no one could have found sufficient data for his guidance. The work having been thus facilitated by the systematic researches of former investigators, and due proof being now available, the numismatist and historical inquirer may possibly be not disinclined to concur in the conclusion which has been formed.

Yours, &c. BEALE POSTE.

RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW.

An Arrant Thiefe whom every Man may_Trust,
In Word and Deed exceeding True and Just:

With a Comparison between a Thiefe and a Booke. Written by John Taylor.

1622. 12mo.

WE propose to make a few extracts in this and a following number from the singular works of Taylor the Water-Poet. His poems were collected and printed in folio in 1600; but subsequently to that impression many other poems were published in 12mo. the full and correct list of which, we believe, has never been exactly known. Though very deficient in poetical merit, they have an interest common to our old literature, both in prose and poetry, that they often illustrate the customs, manners, and changes of the times. The present specimen marks the period when, from an improvement in the roads and streets, coaches began to be more used, and the employment of the watermen on the river consequently diminished. The banks of the Thames formed the nucleus round which old London clustered for commerce, and for the convenience of a water-passage. Here business and pleasure alike met. Here were the merchants' warehouses, the players' theatres, the houses of the nobility, and the palaces of the King; and it is curious that even in 1750 London had got no further inland than Queen Square.

The poem is introduced by two copies of commendatory verses,-one by Richard Hatton, who says, "I touch not his travails to Scotland, Germany, or Bohemia, in the paper boate;" the other is by George Hatton, given from "the lowe estate of the fifth forme neer to the schoole doore at Croydon," as the first was dated from the same place. Then follow some lines from Taylor in return; and our extracts, which are taken from different unconnected portions-for there exists a very slender thread of connexion through the whole, commence at p. 3.

Our infancy is theft, 'tis manyfest;

We crie, and rob our parents of their rest.
Our childehoud robs us of our infancy,
And youth doth steale our childhoude wantonly;
Then manboud pilfers all our youth away,
And middle age our manhoud doth convey
Unto the thieving hands of fuller age.
Thus are we all thieves all our pilgrimage,
In all which progresse many times by stealth
Strange sicknesses doth rob us of our health.
Rage steals our reason; envy thinks it fit

To steale our love, while folly steals our wit ; -
Pride filches from us our humility,

And leachery doth steale our honesty;

Base avarice our conscience doth purloin,

Whilst sloathe to steale our mindes from work doth joyne;
Time steales upon us whilst we take small care,

And makes us old before we be aware;

Sleepe and his brother death conspire our fall,—
The one steales half our lives, the other all, &c.

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These are hell's factors, marchants of all evil,
Robs God of souls, and gives them to the devil.
For while the tythe of many a parish may
Allowe a good sufficient preacher paye,
Yet hellish pride, or lust, or avarice,

Or one or other fowle licentious vice,

Robs learning, robs the people of the teaching

(Who in seven years, perhaps, doth hear no preaching),
When, as the parsonage by account is found

Yearly worth two, three, or four hundred pound,
Yet are these soules served, or else starved I feare,
With a poore reader for eight pounds a yeare.

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And all my scholarship is scullership.

I am an Englishman, and have the scope

To write in mine own country speech, I hope;
For Homer was a Grecian, and I note

**

That all his works in the Greek tongue he wrote;
Virgill and Ovid neither did contemne
To use that speech their mothers taught to them;
Du Bartas, Petrarch, Tasso, all the Muses,
Did use the language that their country uses;
And, though I know but English, I suppose
I have as many tongues as some of those.
Their studies were much better, yet I say
I use my country's speech, and so did they.
Because my name is Taylor some doe doubt
My best invention comes by stealing out
From other writers' works, but I reply,
And give their doubtful diffidence the lye, &c.

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All sortes of men worke all the meanes they can
To make a thiefe of every water-man,

And as it were in one consent they joyne

To trot by lande, thro' dirt, and save their coyne.
Carroches, coaches, jades, and Flanders mares,
Doe rob us of our shares, our wares, our fares.
Against the grounde we stand and knock our heeles,
Whilst all our profit moves away on wheeles ;
And whosoever but observes and notes
The great increase of coaches and of boates,
Shall find their number more than e'er they were
By halfe and more within these thirty yeare.
Then watermen at sea had service still,
And those that stayed at home had work at will;
Then upstart hel-cast coaches were to seeke,
A man could scarce see twenty in a weeke;
But now I think a man may dayly see
More than the wherreys in the Thames can be.
When Queene Elizabethe came to the Crowne
A coach in England then was scarcely knowne ;
Then 'twas as rare to see one, as to spye

A tradesman that had never told a lye;
But now, like plague of Egypt, they doe swarme
As thicke as frogs or lice, unto our harme.

* "One that 8 years since bought many houses where I and many poore men dwelt, and presently raised our rents from 37. to 57. but I changed him quickly for a better."

For though the king, the councill, and such states,
As are of high superior rankes and rates,
For port or pleasure may their coaches have,
Yet 'tis not fit that every w- -e, or knave,
And fulsome madams, and new scurvy squires,
Should fill the streets in pomp, at their desires,
Like great triumphant Tamberlaines, each day,
Drawne with the pamper'd jades of Belgia,
That almost all the streets are choak'd outright,
Where men can hardly passe from morne till night;
Whilst watermen want worke, and are at ease
To carry one another if they please;

Or else sit still, and poorly starve and dye,
For all their livings on four wheeles doe flye.

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If we, by any means, could learne the skill
To rob the coachmen, as they rob us still,
Then in the sessions-booke it would appeare
They would be hang'd five hundred in a yeare.
Besides, it is too manifestly knowne,

They have the sadler's trade almost o'erthrown,
And the best leather in our kingdome they

*

Consume and waste-for which poore men doe pay;
Our boots and shooes to such high price they reere,
That all our profit can buy none to weare.

I, in Bohemia, saw that all but lords,

Or men of worth, had coaches drawn with cords;
And I my neck unto the rope would pawne
That if our hackney ratlers were so drawne
With cords, or ropes, or halters, chuse ye whether,
It quickly would bring down the price of leather:
Then watermen should have more worke, I hope,
When every hireling-coach drawn with a rope,
Would rake our gallants' stomach at the matter,
And now and then to spend their coyne by water.

*

*

*

With the following lines the poem finishes:

Thieves were at all times ever to be had,
Exampled by the good thiefe and the bad.
And England still hath been a fruitful land

*

Of valiant thieves that durst bid true men stand.
One Bellin Dun, a famous thiefe, surviv'd, (Hen. 1.)
From whom the town of Dunstable's deriv'd;
And Robin Hood with Little John agreed (Richd. 2.)
To rob the rich men and the poore to feede. (Edw. 3.)
The priests had here such small means for their living,
That many of them were enforced to thieving.
Once the fifth Henry could rob excellent well,
When he was Prince of Wales, as stories tell.
Then Fryer Tucke, a tall, stoute thiefe indeed,
Could better rob and steale than preach or read.
Sir Gosselin Deinvill, with 200 more, (Edw. 2.)
In fryer's hoodes rob'd, and were hang'd therefore.
Thus I, in stories and by proofe doe finde,
That stealing's very olde, time out of minde,
Ere I was borne it thro' the world was spread,
And will be when I from the world am dead.
But leaving this, my Muse in hand hath tooke
To shew which way a Thiefe is like a Booke.

Then follows another short poem, entitled, " A Comparison between a Thiefe

and a Booke."

BU.

J. M.

REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

The History of England from the Accession of James II. By Thomas Babington Macaulay. Vols. I. and II. THE ungrateful city, which ousted Mr. Macaulay from its parliamentary representation, and thereby gave him the leisure which he has employed in the completion of this work, contributed-although ungraciously and undesignedly to a very great enrichment of our literature. For, whatever may be thought of Mr. Macaulay's politics, or of his religion; whatever sharp censure his work may call forth from party critics, or whatever grave objection from those who cannot think that all forms of Christian faith are alike; no reader will deny that it contains one of the most exciting and interesting narratives in our language whether in history or in romance. In our own case, we will candidly admit, that its interest has been found so great as seriously to interfere with the performance of the functions of our craft. In that age of orators in which our grandfathers lived, it was thought necessary on several occasions, after brilliant speeches of Burke or Sheridan, to adjourn the assemblies to which they were addressed, lest injustice might be done by coming to a decision whilst the enchanting sounds yet rung in the ears and led captive the judgment of delighted auditories. In like manner, they who would pass an accurate sentence upon Mr. Macaulay's volumes, should abstain from coming to any conclusion whilst they are hurried on from incident to incident, their attention fixed and their minds excited by the singular fascination of his inspiriting style. His work must be read again and again, consideration and reflection must be called in to disenchant the reader, and a laborious comparison must be instituted between the statements of our author and those of his predecessors, before the real value of his book can be accurately declared. A time will come for this. At present we shall probably do what will be most agreeable to our readers, GENT. MAG. VOL. XXXI.

and be most certainly just towards our author, if we endeavour to give an account of the book, with a few occasional comments, rather than strive to pass any detailed judgment upon it.

Three preliminary chapters occupy about two-thirds of the first volume, and are devoted to the history of England anterior to the death of Charles II. Into the first chapter is crowded a rapid sketch of our history from the earliest period to the restoration of the monarchy in 1660. Hurried as such a compressed narrative must necessarily be, it is a vigorous and striking composition, and produces a clear impression respecting many of the elements which have from time to time been most influential in moulding our institutions and developing our national character. Due prominence is given to religion, that element of all others the most influential; and the operation of Roman Catholicism, the origin and peculiarities of our reformed national church, and also the rise and growth of Puritanism, receive a copious share of our author's attention. Upon these subjects his opinions will not be universally admitted. Many persons will dissent from his assertion that "it is difficult to say whether England owes more to the Roman Catholic religion or to the Reformation," (i. 49;) and when he pronounces of Archbishop Cranmer, that he was "saintly in his professions, unscrupulous in his dealings, zealous for nothing; bold in speculation, a coward and time-server in action; a placable enemy and a lukewarm friend," (i. 52,) there are very many who will declare loudly that the judgment is most unfair. So also his exaggerations-we may almost call them his caricature delineations-of Puritan follies will meet with many controverters. And his broad attribution, in his se cond chapter, of the scandalous immorality of the national manners during the reign of Charles II. solely to the reaction against previous Puritan strictness, although a common error, is 2 N

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