Mr. Gordon said, he had been a member of the committee to which the affairs of the African company had been referred, and had been instrumental in the drawing'up of the report which it had presented to the House. When the committee recommended that the sovereignty of the settlements on the Gold Coast should be continued to the African company, it had done so from the difficulty of knowing how to avoid many evils which ano AFRICAN COMPANY.] Mr. Goulburn rose to move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish the African Company, and to transfer to his majesty all the forts and possessions belonging to them. He wished not to be understood, that by making such a motion, he cast any im-ther system of government was certain putation whatever on the company. to introduce. His majesty's ministers had since laboured under the same difficulty: and he was informed that they had considered many plans for the administration of those settlements before they had determined on taking them under their own control and governance. That measure appeared to him to be wise and politic, and calculated to produce the most beneficial effects. He did not see what Mr. Marryat observed, that though the object of this bill was not to impute any blame to the African company, the effect of it certainly was, to cast an imputation upon it. The House had heard much of late of the impropriety of prejudging a case before a trial; but the House, in acceding to this motion, was going to condemn a party which, on a former occasion, had been acquitted by a commit-right the African company had to comtee of its own selection. Gentleman plain of these forts being taken out of would recollecct, that after the affairs of their hands. They were originally placed the African company had been submitted under their control to support the slave to the consideration of a committee, the trade: and one would suppose that when committee had declared itself satisfied the slave trade was abolished those forts with the manner in which they were ad- would be abolished also. Besides, the ministered, and had merely recommended country paid from 25,000l. to 30,000l. that the governor of its settlements annually for their maintenance, and of should be appointed by his majesty, that this sum he thought the 1,200/. paid in the number of its forts should be dimi- salaries to nine of its directors might at nished, and that the number of governors least be saved. He did not anticipate any should be reduced from nine to six. increase of influence to the Crown What had occurred since that period to from this measure; for he thought that show the necessity of altering the manner none of the canditates for office would in which the affairs of that settlement wish to go out as governor to Cape Coast were regulated he did not know. The Castle, and none of the aspirants in diright hon. gentleman had not stated any plomacy to live as resident at the town of cause for altering it, and a very deserving Tombuctoo, or other capital of the king officer, (sir G. Collier) had spoken in high of Ashantee. terms of the internal administration of it. He wished to remind the House, that that company had opened a communication with the king of Ashantee, and with others of the native chieftains, from which there was a certainty of obtaining better intelligence respecting the interior of Africa than any which had been yet acquired; while two expeditions which had been sent out from Sierra Leone, at a cost of thirty or forty thousand pounds to the country, had entirely failed in the objects for which they had been fitted out. He did not see why a company which was acknowleged on all hands to have acted meritoriously should be abolished, without the necessity of the abolition of it being shown to a committee. Leave was given to bring in the bill. HOUSE OF LORDS. Wednesday, February 21. FOREIGN TRAde-Commerce of the COUNTRY.] The Marquis of Lansdown rose, in pursuance of notice, to move the re-appointment of the committee of last session, or rather of a new committee, to consider the state of our Foreign Trade. In doing so, when he recollected the general concurrence of opinion which prevailed last year, he felt it would not be necessary for him to go into those details to which he had then been induced to direct their lordships' attention. But, though he did not think it necessary to travel over the ground he had last year turned, not only to a fixed standard, but taken, it appeared to him not improper to one contracted and diminished. Unto advert to some petitions which had less this statement could be controverted, been presented to the House on the he could hardly conceive that the House state of the country, and in particular to would think a committee necessary to inthe dissent expressed from the propriety quire into the cause of the present disof that specific limitation of the inquiry tress. It would be only deluding the which had last year been adopted on his people to lead them to believe that any motion, and which he should now again good could be attained by an inquiry propose. He wished to call the attention which would travel out of those great of their lordships to what appeared to operating causes. Whilst they continued him to be the true causes of the distress to operate, no adequate remedy could be which was so generally complained of; found. Painful as was the admission, yet because, if he were right in the opinion it was certain, that no prompt remedy to he had formed, those causes were so ob- the existing distresses was to be expected; vious, lay so much upon the surface, and more particularly to that part of the diswere so little abstract in their nature, tress which pressed most heavily on agrithat the mere statement of them would at culture; because it was impossible to once show that their lordships were re- connect it with the state of commerce. lieved from the necessity of appointing Whether the chief cause of the sufferings any other committee than that which he of the agriculturists were, as the noble was about to propose, and that they earl opposite maintained, an excessive could only be required to proceed with production, or as he (the marquis) conrespect to them as they would upon any tended, a decreased consumption, or other admitted facts. He was also the whether both of them were partly right more induced to enter into this explana- and partly wrong, it was impossible that tion, as the noble earl opposite had ex- the state of the Corn Laws could have pressed his intention of communicating any share in producing that distress. It some information on the same subject. was impossible, that in contemplation, that Any person that had kept his attention at some future period, if the price of corn fixed on the events which had passed rose to 80 shillings, Foreign importation during the last thirty years on the great would be allowed, farmers should keep theatre of the world, would have no diffi- down their corn to 50 shillings per quarculty in understanding how the present ter, and thus speculate themselves out of state of things had been produced. It their profits and capital, for fear of distant was evident that, for a long period of contingency. It was therefore clear, that years, a large portion of the capital of no alteration needed to be made in the this country had been drawn from the Corn Laws; and that none which could subject, and made a part of the annual be made would have the effect of affordexpenditure. The effect of the capital ing any remedy to the agricultural disthus expended was, to cause a great de- tress. That distress arose from the state mand, not only on the part of the govern- of the home market, which laboured ment of the country, but on that of under the pressure either of a superathose who lived on such an expenditure; bundant supply, or of a diminished deand the effect of such a demand being to mand. He should therefore feel himself create supply, a great supply of manu- to be acting very wrong if he held out exfactured articles was produced in the pectations of advantage from any other country. Not only was the capital ex- measures than those to which he was now pended, but it was done through the me- about to allude. But the question put dium of a circulation, which having no by the petitioners was " Is there no remefixed standard, lent itself with elasticity dy at all?" That there should be no to all the operations of speculators. The prompt and ready remedy for an evil time of correcting the evils of such a cir- which had been growing up for years, culation, and of restoring a fixed stand- could be no matter of astonishment to ard, having at last arrived, although it their lordships, nor to the thinking part might have been possible for the legisla- of the country. But though no prompt ture to defer it longer, there remained remedy could be expected, some might nothing but a load of immense taxation be found in the gradual progress of ecoon the one side, and a superabundant sup-nomy and retrenchment. The natural reply on the other, whilst the country re-medy to a state of things which had called out a great capital, could arise only from a free distribution of capital and produce. Without such a distribution, no remedy was attainable. It was therefore necessary to remove every species of restrictions which operated against that free distribution; to give every facility to capital to dislodge itself, and to break its large masses into divisions which would feed and support different branches of employment. This was the only mode in which their lordships could hope to provide a remedy for the present distress. Now, the impediments which it was necessary to remove, were, with respect to our Foreign trade, the restrictions under which it laboured; and with respect to our Home trade, the taxes which it had to pay, and each of which had the effect of a legislative restriction on that portion of capital. The pressure of taxation was felt in every branch of manufacture, and hence the necessity of a rigid economy, in order to render the repeal of oppressive taxes practicable. The repeal of taxes belonged to the other House; but still he trusted that questions which related to the means of easing the people of their burdens would never be alien to the minds of their lordships. With respect to Foreign trade, however, the cause was different. It had long been the policy-a most mistaken policy-of this government to impose restrictions on certain branches of Foreign commerce. The effect of these restrictions was, to oppose to Foreign commerce the same sort of impediments and embarrassments, that taxation presented to the Home trade. Their tendency was, to force trade into channels the most unnatural and unprofitable to the country. On this subject, it was not necessary for him to go into detail. Indeed, were he to judge from the sentiments expressed in that House last year, and from what had passed in the committee, he should be sanguine as to the enforcement of the principles on which he thought it was the duty of the country to act. But the difficulty was not so much with regard to the general principle, as to the carrying it into practice. In the present enlightened times, the admission of the principle, that restrictions on trade were injurious was easily obtained; but the moment it was attempted to apply that principle in practice, a formidable resistance was presented by various interests. Science had made such progress within those walls, that there was no fear of the exploded doctrine of restriction being maintained in that House. But to any measure which parliament might take to benefit Foreign trade much opposition was to be expected from numerous interests. The merchant, whose trade might be affected by the removal of a restriction, the shipowner, the manufacturer, all would put in their claims, and all too would find them supported. It happened indeed, that every interest had been well supported in parliament except that of the unfortunate consumers, who composed nine-tenths of the population. Every favour, however, which was granted to other interests, was in fact taken from this class; while every arrangement which would be an advantage to it, would be an advantage also to the country. It was the interest of the consumer, therefore, that their lordships, in any regulation which they might make, ought chiefly to have in view, without at the same time neglecting that attention which was due to every other interest. He knew there had been persons who had maintained that the various acts of parliament imposing restrictions had been the foundation of the commercial prosperity of the country, but he, on the contrary, thought, as had been well said in another place, by one whose alliance on this question he was glad to have, that the trade of the country had flourished in spite of them all. He would now move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the means of extending and securing the Foreign trade of the country. That Lord Ellenborough regretted that he should have occasion to differ with the noble marquis; but he could not entertain the same views of the effect likely to be produced on the existing distress by the reduction of taxation. The utmost practicable reductions could not be to such an amount as to be felt as a remedy. There was one mode, however, of affording considerable relief. mode consisted, not in the removal of the taxes, but in their more equal distribution so as to press more lightly upon manufacturers. He might appeal in support of his opinion to the report of the committee of last year on the Timber Trade. In what state had the committee found the duties on that trade? The duties on logs were higher than those on manufactured timber. Those on Norway deals amounted to 60 per cent, and those on Petersburgh deals to only 30 per cent. The same Norway deals paid an import duty of 117. in Ireland and of 201, in England. When such irregularities had been discovered in one branch of trade, there was no doubt but that if the same research were carried into the whole of our commercial system, such a new arrangement and distribution of duties might take place, as would afford efficient relief to manufacturers, without diminishing the receipts of the Treasury. the articles, because that was subject to variation, but on the quantity, which subject to one qualification, was more certain. The qualification he alluded to was, the defalcation which might be supposed when produceded by smuggling; but that, so far as might be calculated on, would make the consumption greater. He would take his estimate of the consumption from an account of the quantities of several articles charged with duties of Excise in each of the last four years, ending the 5th of JaThe motion was agreed to, and a com-nuary 1821, and a comparison of the last mittee appointed, consisting of the same members as that of last year. The Earl of Liverpool rose to move that certain accounts be laid before the House, but did not mean to enter into any details on the state of the commerce of the country, and, least of all, on that great fundamental branch of industry agriculture; but he was anxious that the House should, as far as it was possible, know what was the real state of the case with respect to consumption in order, that when they came to discuss the question, they might not be ignorant of the facts connected with it. In the situation he held, he had thought it his duty to direct his attention to this subject, and to collect together all the information that could be obtained relative to it. The view of the subject which the papers he intended to move for would give, would not vary much from that which he had taken on the first day of the session. (when a difference arose between him and the noble marquis.) He had then stated, that one great cause of the public distress was an excess of production. He admitted that the causes to which the noble marquis had alluded might have their effects, but the noble marquis had also stated, that diminution of consumption was a more probable cause than over-production. He had endeavoured to obtain the best information in his power on the subject. With regard to that article which was the most important criterion of consumption, he meant bread, he had no means of obtaining information capable of leading to a conclusion which could be regarded as any thing like correct. But, from the manner in which the revenue was collected, their lordships had the means of accurate information on all the other great articles of consumption. It would be found that with respect to the Excise, the increase was great. He would not found his calculation on the value of year, with an average of the three preceding Average number of barrels on 5,356,000 5,599,000 243,000 1,447,000 1,519,465 72,465 lbs. 79,810,409 88,350,000 3,589,591 lbs. 7,569,000 7,019,000 55,000 lbs. 46,219,000 44,702,000 1,517,000 Quarters: 23,289,000 24,511,000 1,222,000 Cwt. Average for internal consumption 1,936,000 lbs. lbs. 1,981,000 | cepted, an increase had taken place. As 45,000 he had already stated, there was no means Cat. of obtaining a return of the quantity of bread consumed: but when it appeared 861,247 that there was an increase in all the other 1,199,000 great articles of consumption, was it pos537,753 sible to doubt that that important one had also increased? There appeared then to be no ground for the conclusion 69,474,000 which the noble marquis had drawn of a 73,765,000 diminished consumption. He did not 4,291,000 bring forward the information, for the purpose of denying the existence of distress. He brought it forward to estab4,569,000 lish the fact-and a consoling fact it was 5,187,000 that the comforts of the people could 618,000 not have very much diminished, when the Gallons. consumption of many of those articles on which their comfort depended had in5,047,000 creased. He agreed with the noble mar 6,575,000 quis, that the distresses of the agricultural 1,528,000 part of the population could expect no Gallons. alleviation from any change in the exist ing corn laws. Whether the system of 2,790,000 corn laws established some years ago was 2,757,000 wise or otherwise, he would not stop now 33,000 to inquire. He wished it only to be considered whether by altering these laws, even allowing them not to be the most politic, 866,000 we should not increase our difficulties, 1,143,000 and whether a continued change even for 277,000 the better might not be more dangerous Gallons. lbs. 22,186,000 22,542,000 356,000 lbs. 11,847,000 11,680,000 167,000 Gallons. than an adherence to a system which was not originally the best. Entirely concurring with the noble marquis, that the object of every wise statesman ought to be, the removal of restrictions from commerce and industry to every practicable extent, and believing with him that our commercial prosperity had been brought about rather in spite of such restrictions than by their operation; still he did not think that they ought to be hastily or inWhatever evil 977,000 considerately removed. 916,000 belonged to restriction, constant fluctua61,000 tion was, in his opinion, still worse. The Gallons. different interests of society, when placed under laws that were not speculatively 18,446,000 the best, might adjust themselves to their 16,300,000 situation and to each other; but no man 2,146,000 could tell what to do in constant fluctuaCut. tions, or how to accommodate himself to continued change. He might go the length of saying that in some countries 3,117,000 where the laws with respect to the trade 3,413,000 in grain were more liberal than in this, they were not productive of the same advantage by their want of steadiness. In those countries, though theoretically better in many instances, they 296,000 Thus, the papers which he should move for would show that on almost all the reat articles of consumption, coffee ex |