ment has taken place within the last half year in several of the most important branches of our Commerce and Manufactures; and that, in many of the manufacturing districts, the distresses which prevailed at the commencement of the last session of Parliament have greatly abated. "It will be my most anxious desire to concur in every measure which may be considered as calculated to advance our internal prosperity. "I well know that, notwithstanding the agitations produced by temporary circumstances, and amidst the distress which still presses upon a large portion of my subjects, the firmest reliance may be placed on that affectionate and loyal attachment to my person and government, of which I have recently received so many testimonies from all parts of my kingdom; and which, whilst it is most grateful to the strongest feelings of my heart, I shall ever consider as the best and surest safeguard of my throne. "In the discharge of the important duties imposed upon you, you will, I am confident, be sensible of the indispensable necessity of promoting and maintaining, to the utmost of your power, a due obedience to the laws, and of instilling into all classes of my subjects a respect for lawful authority, and for those established institu. tions under which the country has been enabled to overcome so many difficulties, and to which, under Providence, may be ascribed our happiness and renown as a nation." His Majesty then retired and the Commons returned to their own House. ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.] His Majesty's most gracious Speech having been again read by the lord chancellor, and also by the reading clerk at the table, The Earl of Belmore rose for the purpose of moving an Address of Thanks to his majesty. He commenced by express ing his earnest hope that their lordships would concur unanimously in the motion which he was about to propose. He felt most inadequate to the task which he had undertaken, but it gave him confidence when he reflected that the duty he had to fulfil required neither argument nor persuasion, because it was impossible for their than to approach his majesty with sentilordships to entertain any other desire ments of unshaken loyalty, and a firm determination to maintain the constitution, and support the dignity of the throne. This, it appeared to him, was not only the paramount duty of their lordships, but of every man in the kingdom who enjoyed his liberty and felt the blessings of the constitution. Entertaining as he did the deepest feelings upon this subject, he could not but deplore the circumstance that, in the midst of the distress and difficulty which had oppressed the nation, so licenisted among portions of his majesty's subtious and lawless a spirit should have exjects-a spirit which turned destruction upon itself, and was calculated to overthrow every establishment in the country. If such a spirit was for a time suffered to threaten the public welfare, how gratifying must it be for their lordships to perceive the strong feeling of loyalty, and attachment to the constitution, which now pervaded every class of the community!The noble lord then adverted to the strong assurances of the friendly disposition of foreign powers towards this country. At such a time as this such a declaration could not but afford to their lordships the greatest satisfaction, and he entertained the strongest hope of the continuance of those friendly dispositions. At the present moment it was impossible to conceive what would be the result of the deliberations now pending on the continent. It tranquillity of Europe should not again be was most ardently to be wished, that the disturbed; but it must afford satisfaction to all classes to know, that his majesty was most anxious that the blessings of peace should be preserved to this country.-He next alluded to the reduction which his majesty had mentioned in the military establishments of the country, and observed that this was the best pledge his majesty could offer of his pacific intentions. He then touched upon the improvement which had taken place in the several branches of the commerce and manufactures of the country .It was, indeed, on the flourishing state of these two branches that the national prosperity mainly depended; but while he congratulated their lordships, and he could assure their lordships that he did so with a proud satisfaction, it was to him a matter of deep regret that this prosperity did not affect equally all parts of the kingdom. The distresses which had been felt in Ireland were of a nature peculiarly severe, in consequence of the unfortunate circumstances which had affected the commercial credit of that part of the united kingdom; but he sincerely hoped that that commercial prosperity which had been felt so materially here, would extend itself ultimately to all parts of the kingdom. But while he adverted to these distresses, and dwelt upon the sufferings which Ireland had endured, he could not help noticing, in terms of high admiration, the perseverance and fortitude displayed by that part of the united kingdom. The people of Ireland had struggled through every difficulty; and so nobly had they borne their afflictions, that misfortunes seemed to add new vigour to their exertions: and he could declare without hesitation, because he had himself paid peculiar attention to the subject, that at no time did the people of that country entertain a more zealous attachment to their king and constitution than at the present moment. It was by entertaining such noble sentiments that the country would be enabled to surmount the many difficulties by which it was so grievously oppressed; it was by such feelings, and such alone, that this country would be restored to prosperity.-The noble lord concluded by observing, that, whatever difference of opinion might exist among their lordships upon various questions which might come under the consideration of parliament-however noble peers might disagree in certain points, on subjects relative to the internal and external welfare of the nation, he hoped there would be but one opinion upon the motion which he would now submit.-The noble lord then moved an address of thanks to his majesty, which embraced all the topics of the Royal Speech. Lord Prudhoe rose to second the address, but spoke in so low a tone of voice that little of what he said could be collected below the bar. He remarked, that as the noble earl who had just set down had done full justice, in submitting the Address, to the statements in his majesty's Speech, he should not trouble their lordships with many words. On the question of our foreign connexions, he fully agreed in the sentiments expressed by the noble earl; for, notwithstanding the pacific assurances of foreign powers, it became this country to observe their proceedings with a vigilant eye. He hoped at the same time, that peace would be continued to us, as it was the only means likely to relieve our distresses, revive our resources, and restore us to prosperity. He would not detain their lordships on the subject of our internal situation, though it was impossible not to perceive that the distress of Ireland must have affected this country. There was another point touched on by the noble earl, respecting the reduction of our military establishment as noticed in his ma jesty's speech, which must afford great satisfaction to every noble lord, more especially when coupled with his majesty's known desire to alleviate the burdens of his subjects in every practicable way. With regard to those testimonies of loyalty and attachment which had flowed in from every part of the country, they required but a very few words; yet, when it was considered that the public mind had latterly been in so agitated a frame, it could not be otherwise than gratifying to their lord ships to hear such expressions of attachment to our glorious constitution. This feeling, it was worthy of remark, was coupled also with declarations in favour of religion, which showed that the designs of incendiaries and atheists had failed to eradicate from the minds of the majority the seeds of morality. This was a state of things in which their lordships had reason to rejoice, for, while such sentiments pervaded the great body of the people, the country had nothing to fear either from foreign or domestie enemies. Earl Grey, in rising after the noble mover and seconder of the address, intimated that it was not his intention to offer any opposition, in consequence of what had fallen from these noble lords, or of what was contained in the address itself. He must say, however, that he could not concur in the address, because, though he had no objection to make to what it contained, both it and the Speech from the throne, fell far short of what he thought ought to have been found in them. In the Speech there was a total absence of those explanations on the state of the country which were to be expected from the throne at a period like the present. The noble earl who moved the address anticipated their lordships' concurrence in the congratulations offered to the throne on account of those expressions of loyalty and attachment recently received by his majesty, from all quarters of the country. In this anticipation the noble lord was perfectly justified; because, whatever differ ence of opinion there might exist on the conduct of the government, there could be none on the subject to which the noble lord's observation applied. That there were persons who wished to subvert that spirit of loyalty which prevailed through the country, and the existence of which noble lords now acknowledged, he believed to be true; but of this he was confident, that there was not in that or the other House of Parliament any persons who thought it their duty to oppose the measures of government, who did not at the same time cherish the most loyal, dutiful, and affectionate attachment to the throne. Neither from the part of the royal Speech to which the noble lords had directed their observations on this subject, nor from the general language in which the noble mover and seconder had expressed themselves, was it clear what was the nature of the addresses to which they alluded. Undoubtedly there never had been a stronger expression of public opinion than that lately made by the people of this country. That their addresses had breathed loyalty and devotion to the king was most true; but it was also true, that the declaration of those sentiments had been accompanied with expressions equally strong of universal disapprobation and of dissatisfaction with regard to the measures of the government. If, therefore, it was intended on this, as he knew it had been on other occasions, to infer from addresses containing expressions of loyalty and attachment to his majesty, an approbation of the conduct of ministers, such an inference was directly contrary to fact, and totally inconsistent with the opinions of the people of England. He could take upon himself to say, that the universal opinion of the country, instead of being favourable to the government, was, that the system should be changed. That no indication of renouncing that system was held out in the Speech, and that no recommendation to that effect appeared in the Address, were circumstances which he had to regret; but he did hope that both their lordships and the members of the other House would see the necessity of compelling his majesty's ministers to recede from the system they had hitherto pursued in the conduct of public affairs, and which now, after six years of peace, had produced only increasing difficulties and distress. Hopes, it was true, of more favourable circumstances were held out in the Speech. It was stated in the Speech from the throne, that the situation of the country was improving. With respect to the revenue, it was stated, that, as compared with that of the preceding year, the amount had increased. It was also stated, that considerable improvement had taken place in several of the most important branches of our trade and manufactures. He most sincerely hoped that these statements might not be found fallacious. He believed some branches of our trade had recovered a little; but if he were to speak from his own oppor tunities of observation, he must say, that there appeared to him no prospect of general amelioration. In that part of the country with which he was most particularly connected, he had not seen any of those symptoms of improvement which were alluded to. There was one great branch of national prosperity to the state, to which no reference was made in the Speech-he meant agriculture; and in that, he would take upon himself to assert, there had been no improvement. Perhaps the depression was less in some other parts of the country than in that with which he was acquainted; but it was such as to be generally viewed with apprehension and alarm. In this state of things he confessed he could not understand how it was possible that there could be a considerable improvement in several important branches of commerce and manufactures, and an increase of the public revenue; and yet that agriculture, on which all these sources of wealth depended, should be in a state of the greatest decay. It would be necessary for their lordships and the other House of Parliament to consider seriously, in the course of the present session, what was to be done on this important subject. Let it not, however, be believed that he meant to recommend any additional corn laws, for he thought the principle of those laws erroneous; but what he meant to say was, that their lordships must devote to the internal situation of the country the greatest attention and care, if they wished to avoid an increase of the evils they already experienced. He was sorry, however, that he could not say, that he had heard with equal satisfaction what was stated in the Speech upon the events which had occur red in Italy. Nothing was there explained -nothing distinctly stated as to the line which the government had taken with respect to these important events. Their lordships were left completely in the dark could not at present be prepared to discuss it. In the mean time he must declare his opinion, that ministers had not acted as became the government of this country, if they stood by as indifferent ples; and that they had acted still worse if they had given any encouragement to what was called the "monarchical principle," by which it was pretended that henceforth there should be no improvement in government except what came from thrones; which was plainly saying, that the shackles of despotism should be for ever rivetted on mankind. It would have been much more creditable for mi on a question which it was most important for them to know at the present moment, namely, whether the conduct of ministers with regard to Naples had been such as became the government of a nation which had been raised to greatness by the enjoy-spectators of the dispute regarding Nament of a free constitution. He must regret that nothing had been stated to satisfy him that the course which justice and true policy dictated had been adopted. The present, he was sensible, was not the moment for discussing this question, but the time would soon come when he hoped their lordships would be put in possession of such facts as would enable them to form an opinion. He could not, however, help expressing his sorrow at finding that ministers to have prevented so atrocious an nisters had not on this occasion taken steps which would have been worthy of the character of the country-that they had not adopted measures which would have put an end to any prospect of hostilities. The apprehension he entertained on this subject was the stronger, from the recollection of a question relating to Naples, which had last session been put to the noble earl at the head of his majesty's government. Their lordships would recollect that the answer given to that question was by no means satisfactory, because, from what the noble earl then said, it did appear that this country had no accredited minister at the court of Naples. This state of things he believed still continued; so that while the closest bonds of union subsisted between this government and those powers styled the Holy Alliance, with that power which was the object of their threats there was no British minister capable of carrying on the accustomed intercourse between friendly states. From the language of the Speech it might be supposed that this country maintained a state of strict neutrality with respect to Naples. He did not think, however, that strict neutrality was a state which became the character of this country when such a question was at issue-when a sovereign was called before an assembly of despots to answer for his conduct in correcting abuses in the internal government of his country-when he saw the arrogance with which those powers, called the Holy Alliance, had summoned the king of Naples to their bar, to account for the free constitution established in his country, be, as a friend of liberty, could not help feeling a strong degree of suspicion on this subject, and expressing that suspicion, though he knew their lordships attack on the rights of nations, than to have been cool spectators or encouragers of it. What excuse could be set up for such conduct? There had been as little violence in the Neapolitan revolution as ever occurred in any event of the kind. There had been some lamentable occurrences in Sicily; but there was nothing in the state of Naples threatening to other countries. In short, no reason could be assigned for the attack on Naples, except this-that the members of the Holy Alliance wished to prevent any improvement in other countries, lest their own subjects should look more narrowly at the abuses under which they suffered, and be thereby induced to require some amelioration of their condition. Engaged by close political ties with the powers now threatening the independance of the Two Sicilies-with the functions of the British minister at Naples suspended-with an Austrian army marching on the frontiers of that kingdom-and with a British squadron riding in the Bay of Naples, and appearing to be acting in concert with the enemies of the new constitution whatever the intentions of ministers might really be, their conduct, under those circumstances, did certainly wear the aspect of giving encouragement to that despotic alliance which had assumed to itself a right of censorship over every other government. He sincerely hoped that peace would not be interrupted; but he was much more anxious that the honour of the country should on this great question be preserved unstained. Would it be said that ministers could not prevent the attack on Naples? Then indeed there would be little reason to boast of the influence they possessed in Europe-an influence which it had been said their splen did successes had secured-if the com- specting an establishment for her mabined powers could not be withheld or re-jesty: on that subject he hoped the arstrained from their wicked attack by any rangements would be such as justice reremonstrance of this government.-There quired, and as would put an end to the were many other topics which pressed for question in dispute. If such were the inconsideration, but which would be more tentions of his majesty's ministers, he conveniently brought under review on any should feel great satisfaction. He only other occasion than on a motion for ad- desired that the measures to be adopted dressing the throne on the first day of the should be consistent with justice, and calsession. He was glad to find that there culated to compose the agitations of the was to be a reduction of the army; but as country; with sincere joy should he see the amount was not stated, he could not his majesty's ministers changing their judge what degree of benefit was likely to system of policy, and resorting to meabe derived from it. He hoped it would sures by which the tranquillity and prosbe considerable; for it was only by re- perity of the country would be likely to ducing the burthens, and conciliating the be secured. good will of the people, that the difficul- The Earl of Liverpool observed, that as ties of the country could be overcome. the noble earl had not opposed any thing He was sure that by the sincere adoption in the address, but only objected to it for of conciliatory measures, by placing con- what it did not contain; as, subject to this fidence in the people, by a proper atten- objection, there was no statement in the tion to their wants and their wishes, and Speech from the throne which the noble by a departure from that system of sus- earl did not approve, it was not necessary picion and restraint with which they had for him to detain their lordships by enterof late been treated, much might be done ing into any detailed reply. As, however, by any persons who held the government he might be supposed to acquiesce in the of this country. He was perfectly con- statements of the noble earl if he allowed vinced, if it could be made known that his speech to pass entirely unnoticed, he conciliation was to be the policy of go- thought it necessary to say a few words vernment, and that considerable reduc- on some of the topics to which the noble tions in the expenditure would take place, earl had called the attention of the House. that the existing dissatisfaction would be In noticing the sentiments of loyalty algreatly diminished. He was also certainluded to in the Speech from the throne, that, if it was wished to preserve a free constitution to the country, it was absolutely necessary that a change should take place, and that there should be a decided departure from the military system which ministers had adopted. He found from the Speech that his majesty had been advised to express his acknowledgment of the provision made last session for the civil list. When this circumstance was only now noticed, their lordships surely could not fail to reflect on the singularity of its having been so long deferred. He, therefore, could not help alluding to the extraordinary prorogation of parliament which took place at the end of the last session. Their lordships could not forget how they were then dismissed, without any information on the state of the country, or any notice being taken of the large grant which they had made to the civil list, and which was dictated more from their personal regard for the sovereign than from a consideration of the situation of the country. There was only one topic more in the Speech to which he should ude, and that was what was stated re the noble earl had been pleased to intimate that the universal opinion of the country was, that the present system of government ought to be changed. He had not, however, explained what he meant by the system of government, or what was the nature of the change supposed to be required. He was ready to allow that at public meetings a distinction was to be made between expressions of loyalty to the throne and approbation of the measures of governinent. That the former did not include the latter he fully admitted, and he hoped the time never would come in this country, in which the vices and errors of the government were not separated from the throne, and the distinction the noble earl contended for maintained. The noble earl would, however, find himself much mistaken in the opinion he had advanced. Instead of wishing for a change, it was certain that all the thinking part of the country ap proved of the system on which the government was conducted, and would consider any departure from it as leading to inevitable ruin. He was not prepared to say |