to those points that bore on education in cation, and a knowledge of the principles Ireland. The state of that country was of the constitution, to a large body, if not little known to many members; and he to the whole, of the population of Ireland. might therefore be excused for stating There was also the Foundling Hospital, some facts, an acquaintance with which Dublin, a well-known charity, of which was necessary to enable the House to the funds amounted to 32,000l. annually, form a correct judgment on the present and the number of children educated and question. Previously to the 43rd year of brought up there was only 2,000. There his late majesty's reign, two commissions were also 33 endowed classical schools, had sat in Ireland on the subject of edu- with annual funds of 9,000l. and which cation, and had made no fewer than 14 supported only 1,000 scholars. Indereports, full of interesting matter; but out pendently of these charitable institutions, of those reports, no practical measure had there were no less than 3,776 schools arisen. In the 43rd of his late majesty, spread over Ireland, containing scholars another commission was appointed, which to the number of 253,000 children. He made 7 reports; but still, notwithstanding stated these facts to show, that there exthe recommendations contained in these isted in that country a very great disposi21 reports, nothing had been done for the tion to instruct the lower orders, and on promotion of education in that country. their part an extreme avidity to be inHe did not deny that great exertions had structed. He did not mean to impute been made by individuals, as well as by blame to the second commission appointed societies; but as yet no practical step had under the late reign to inquire into the been taken to establish a general system situation of these charities; but he did of education. Perhaps the House would mean to say, that no actual good, no po be very much surprised when he stated sitive and beneficial measure, had followto them, under a few general heads, the ed upon the termination of their labours. magnitude of the sums at present applica- His ultimate object was, to move, that the ble to the purposes of education in that papers which were the subject of his precountry. There were in Ireland 70 schools sent motion should, together with the reon royal endowment, possessing annual ports to which he had adverted, be laid funds of upwards of 8,000l.; 4 classical before a committee of the House. The schools, under the endowment of Eras- total amount of the funds of different mus Smith, with funds amounting to schools in Ireland, which might be 4,000l.; 20 diocesan schools, with large made available to the general purposes revenues; and 15 classical schools, two of education, was more than 173,000l. per of which possessed funds of 1,4651. a annum. This motion he should submit in year in landed property. There were, the early part of the next session; and he besides these, many schools for instruc- begged to say that he should then tion in the English language, on private lay before the House no speculative foundations, which had enormous funds, notions on the great subject of education but in which the number of scholars was in Ireland, but endeavour to propose some totally disproportioned to the great amount immediately and practically efficacious of the funds. There was also another des- measure. At present he would move for cription of schools possessing large funds," An Account of the Funds and Reveand which were peculiarly applicable to the education of the lower classes: he meant charter-schools, of which there were 39. Of these, the total annual grants amounted to 29,2837. and the total annual disbursements to 40,1837. The principle on which these schools were founded was totally distinct from all religious opinions; but he was sorry to say that the education of the poor was thwarted and limited in every possible manner in the Protestant schools, by their being required to renounce the Catholic principles Mr. C. Grant observed, that the greatbefore they are admitted. The sums pos- est credit was due to the labours of those sessed by all these schools, if properly ap- commissioners, of the results of whose explied, would be sufficient to extend edu-ertions the right hon. gentleman spoke so

nues of all schools on public or charitable foundations in Ireland, as far as they have been reported on by the commissioners for inquiring into the state of such schools; distinguishing the sources from which such funds and revenues are derived, and the number of scholars instructed in such schools respectively:" Also, "A statement, showing what measures have been taken for carrying into effect the improvements recommended by the said commissioners."

slightingly. No specific measure had follow ed he would admit, upon their valuable reports, owing to certain obstacles which had been laid, in due course, before the government. To remove those obstacles, he had prepared a bill, which he intended to bring before parliament.

Sir H. Parnell, though in general an enemy to aids of the nature which this subject was likely to call for, from the liberality of government, thought that it was one which might justify such a grant.

who had not made a return had no school and according to that presumption, there were 576 clergymen who had neglected to do that which, by the oath they had taken, they were bound to do. This return was made in 1810, and he sincerely hoped that the clergymen could now make a more satisfactory return. The 12th of Elizabeth contained the enactments of Henry 8th, in favour of education, and would it now be denied in opposition to what was commonly called, the "wisdom of our ancestors," that education led to truth, and truth to virtue and happi

Mr. Spring Rice hoped it was not ne cessary to offer any arguments at the pre-ness. sent day to shew that the advantages to be derived from the principles of general education more than counterbalanced the disadvantages. Should any one, however, doubt it, it would be satisfactory to its advocates to find, on reference to the Statute books, that our forefathers had recognised the principle. By a statute of Henry 8th it was enacted, that parochial schools should be established in Ireland for the instruction of the Irish youth generally. The preamble of that act set forth the necessity of such establishments, as calculated to bring a barbarous people into a coincidence of language and manners with a people who were civilized. He did not quarrel with the terms of the act, but he greatly regretted that its spirit and its enactments were not more strictly observed. By that act it was enjoined, that every clergyman who possessed a benefice in Ireland, should teach or cause to be taught, a school in this parish, and that the youth of the place should be instructed in the English language. For an omission of this duty, the act imposed a fine for the first offence; a large fine for the second; and for the third, the loss of his benefice. It was also enacted that every clergyman on his appointment to a benefice should take an oath to the following effect:-"I swear that I will teach, or cause to be taught, the English language, in a school in my parish." Now, he was sorry to find, that, notwithstanding the strictness of the act and the solemn pledge of an oath, which every clergyman was obliged to take at this day, so little attention seemed to be paid to this subject. There were 1,125 benefices in Ireland, out of which 736 only, had made returns to the orders of the committee in 1810, and of which 549 only had scholars in conformity with the regulations of the statute. Now, it was a fair presumption that those

He considered the subject of education to be of the utmost importance to Ireland; and he trusted under the conciliatory auspices of the right hon. gentleman, some comprehensive system of moral instruction for the poor of Ireland, would be brought into action. At no one time could it be more effectual in its application than at the present, when the mild and conciliatory administration of the right hon. gentleman had produced so favourable an impression in that country. It had been said (and he had heard the statement with regret, because he thought it very lightly made) that the Catholics in Ireland, and particularly the Catholic clergy were opposed to general education. As a friend to the Roman Catholics he denied this. They were opposed to it where it was connected, or where they suspected it to be connected, with a spirit of proselytism. Where that spirit did not dictate the system of education, no persons could be more favourable to it than the Roman Catholics. When they found that this spirit of proselytism was sought to be made the ground on which the blessings of education were to be bestowed, they were naturally opposed to it. When the established clergy were advised, under the sanction of an individual who had recently been advanced to the highest dignities in the church, that they were to teach the people, not only to believe in the religion of Christ, but they must also accept it as received and understood by the Church of England, was it to be wondered that the jealousy of the Catholics should be awakened? When they found their religion stigmatised in a late charge of the right reverend prelate, to whom he alluded as "a doctrine subversive of a christian ministry, annulling the value of a Redeemer's sacrifice, and disenthroning the Son of God," was it very surprising that they should feel some alarm, as well as

some indignation?-These opinions of the right reverend prelate (the bishop of KilJalloe) had, he was convinced, proceeded merely from a want of knowledge of the country to which he was sent. These opinions formed a striking contrast with the declared judgment of the board of education, in which those dignified characters, the primate of Ireland, the archbishop of Cashel, and the bishops of Killalla and Limerick had united. Those prelates in their 14th report had expressed their "unanimous opinion, that no new places for the education of the lower orders in Ireland, however wisely and unexceptionably contrived in other respects, could be successful unless it should be explicitly avowed, and clearly understood, that no attempt should be made to disturb peculiar religious tenets of any sect or denomination of Christians."

Mr. W. Courtenay bore testimony to the disposition of the Catholics to support schools which were conducted on a liberal system.

The motion was agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, March 2,

as

that up to the moment in February when it had been issued, the most extraordinary delusion existed, and was announced to the people of the continent, respecting the sentiments with which the proceedings against Naples were viewed by his majes ty's government. It was his object, there fore, to place the opinion of the government and of the House beyond all possibility of doubt. In doing so he should avoid as much as possible recurring to the past conduct, or rather omission, of his majesty's ministers. He wished to take no advantage of that; much he lamented that so many months should have elapsed without their finding it possible to make foreign ministers understand their motives-much as he was surprised that the secretary for Foreign affairs, who was personally acquainted with those ministers, should also have been unable to make them comprehend the views of this country, but should on the contrary have led them into a total misapprehension of them. The only use which he wished to make of that circumstance was, to impress upon their lordships the paramount duty which they owed to themselves and to their country, of making known and publicly embodying NAPLES CONDUCT OF THE ALLIED their sentiments. He should first consiPOWERS.] The Marquis of Lansdown der what were the principles which the rose, pursuant to his notice, to call the Allied Powers had proclaimed on the preattention of their lordships to the trans- sent occasion, and on which they had actions which had been, and which he feared, founded their proceedings; and, in the were still carrying on in the South of next place, what consequences were likely Italy. However strong his personal opi- to result from their acting upon those nion on the subject he hardly knew whe-principles. On the outset he must also ther he should have had the courage to introduce a subject of such importance, if he had not felt, after what had passed in that House, and in another place, that he was supported by the universal voice of the people of this country. With that conviction on his mind, he should have thought it an omission of duty, if he had not endeavoured to give to the general feeling the most effectual expression. He was the more inclined to do this, when he perceived by the latest accounts from the head quarters of the allies, that a most extraordinary delusion still prevailed amongst them as to the real sentiments of the British government. Notwithstanding the circular written by the secretary for Foreign affairs, and the explanations given to the continental powers, it appeared from the contents of the declaration lately arrived, and of the authenticity of

h no doubt could be entertained,

state, that in speaking of the courts of Vienna, Berlin, and Petersburgh, he meant no disrespect to those courts; neither did he object, whilst governing their own territories, to their acting that part which became great powers, and which they had occasionally done to advantage. Because the principles on which such governments were formed, were such as he could not approve, he did not wish to interfere with their internal administration, for he well new that the nature of human affairs required the existence of different governments. He well knew in the commencement of the French revolution, when one of the wild dreams of those men misnamed philosophers, proposed to to reduce all governments to something like one uniform system, that such an attempt must fail. Whether it tended to make all nations equally free or equally slaves, to establish anarchy or despotism,

ers.

[1042 failure, he was convinced must attend, arbitrary government. The particular sect and he fervently hoped, would attend alluded to was not of recent origin. Its such an attempt. As on the former occa- existence, under the name of the Carbosion, a sort of republican purity was set nari, might be traced in Italy up to the up for a pattern, so now the standard time of the emperor Leopold. The Carwas a certain monarchical principle into bonari received the particular protection of which were admitted only a very few grains those who looked for their assistance in of the alloy of liberty. This monarchical emancipating Italy from the power of principal was that which he had with sur- France. Their encouragement was then prise and astonishment seen laid down in considered a most effectual means of gainthe document to which he had already ing that object; and yet the share this alluded. It was stated, that the measures sect had had in the late revolution of undertaken, and the views disclosed by Naples was put forward by Austria as a the allied powers, were in conformity ground of condemnation notwithstanding with the principles of the British govern- that power had formerly sought the supment. Though particular relations and port of the Carbonari. But the Carbomotives were stated to prevent our taking nari were not only called a political sect, part in the resolutions of the other allied but were accused of working in the dark. courts, yet it was asserted that this go- This charge was very extraordinary when vernment had the same views, and that, it was considered that the accused sect as far as principles went, this government was stated to be existing in a country in was perfectly agreed with the other pow. which the public manifestation of its These principles had been disclosed wishes could not fail to draw down upon, at Troppau, and afterwards at Laybach. it all the vengeance of the government. It was then full time for their lordships Did the persons who defended the conduct to consider what they really were; and he of Austria mean to say that the Carbofound them most distinctly explained nari ought to have posted up on the in that state paper which had lately church-doors a notice, stating, that on appeared under the title of the declaration such a day they were to begin the revoluof the allied powers against Naples. He tion, and giving warning, as in legal matsaw in that declaration a complete exposé, ters, for the other parties, the courts of of the false and wicked grounds on which Austria, Berlin, and Petersburgh, to the allied powers pretended to justify come and oppose them? Was it not obtheir attack on an independent kingdom. vious that any change of an arbitrary It was stated, that there existed a sect in government could only be effected by Naples dangerous to the repose of Italy; that sort of art which seemed to be in and the existence of this sect was made the eyes of the allied powers, the whole a foundation for the proceedings adopted corpus delicti of which they complained. against the new government. What was The declaration proceeds to describe said about this sect might be as truly as the late government of Naples as full of he believed it to be falsely stated; still, paternal kindness, and infers that that the allied powers were not entitled to amiable character, and the endeavours to draw from that circumstance any reason introduce into all branches of the adminisfor attacking Naples. He was willing to tration essential improvements, had had admit that in a free country the existence the effect of putting a stop for a time to of a secret political sect might be attend- the designs of the Carbonari. The reason, ed with mischievous consequence: but however, why all the efforts of the Carbowith its existence or non-existence foreign nari in concert with the people were ungovernments had nothing to do. Was he successful was, not that stated in the decalled on to condemn the existence of claration, but the presence of the Austrian such a sect in a country in which men army. It was neither the improvement might by necessity be driven to take re- nor the deterioration of the branches of fuge under secrecy and disguise? That administration that suspended the efforts the sect described was to be found in of the Carbonari. There was one branch Naples, was a circumstance far from of administration, the improvement of constituting the right or the necessity of which he knew, from good authority, interference. But without the existence to have been neglected. There had been of something like a sect, certainly no no remission of taxes. There was beimprovement could have been made in sides, in that country no enjoyment of the government of Naples, or any other personal security, no protection for pro

VOL. IV.

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