by the popular leaders and their followers, to be a flagrant invasion of constitutional rights, and a justification of their fears respecting the arbitrary designs of the court. Indeed, not the popular leaders only, but one of the first sages of the law, Lord Chief Justice Pratt, (afterwards Camden) considered the apprehension as illegal. Even many of those, who, before, had been welldisposed towards Government, were seized with the contagion, and joined with its most violent opponents, in associating the ideas of WILKES AND LIBERTY. Wilkes took ad

vantage of this delusion.

It was a remark

He set

often made by him to his intimates, That the public was a goose, and that a man was a great fool not to pluck a feather.' up a printing-press, published the proceedings against him at one guinea a copy, and considerably bettered his finances. Many men, of real talents and virtue, thought it a duty of patriotism to support, when `oppressed, a man, whose private profligacy they abhorred. Perhaps they might reason on the principle so ably maintained by Cæsar,

น

in his speech on the discovery of Catiline's conspiracy, that deviations from established law are more dangerous when they regard worthless, than worthy characters, as the wickedness of the individual may draw away the attention of men from the arbitrariness of the measure; and thus the illegal act more easily steal into a precedent. The persecution of Wilkes was one of the principal causes of the internal discontents which marked the early part of the present reign. The infamous Essay on Woman,* his expulsion from the House of Commons, the prosecution of the Lords, the indictments for blasphemy from the inferior courts, and the demands of his creditors, concurred in driving him to exile. He might himself

Accompanied by notes, stated in the title-page to be the production of Bishop Warburton; for which the Lords prosecuted Wilkes, as guilty of a breach of their privileges. The pretended imputation of obscene writing to a Bishop of high character had not even the merit of originality. The Latin poems, intituled MEURSIUS, as obscene and profane as the Essay on Woman, (with infinitely more wit, in fine language, and very elegant verse), were so called from a German Bishop, of very great sanctity and virtue.

1

have been forgotten, had not subsequent injustice, at the instance of another ministry, rekindled the popular flame. But, though Wilkes was descending to oblivion, the dissatisfaction was by no means subsiding. The proceedings respecting the infamous Essay were not attributed to a laudable zeal in favour of piety and morality, but to resentment against a person who had exposed the measures of ministry, and was likely to receive, from the laws of his country, satisfaction for their illegal conduct. The Essay: had not been published: a nobleman, once the intimate companion of Wilkes, and not more distinguished than he for virtue and holiness, procured a copy, from the confidence of friendship, and was the discoverer.* Many of the most important measures of the legislature and executive government, many of the most important questions discussed in the courts of justice, were either derived

Happy (says the witty Earl of Chesterfield, in one of his letters to his son) is it for this nation, that God hath been pleased to raise up, in Mr. Wilkes, a patriotic defender of our rights and liberties; and, in the Earl of Sandwich, so zealous a defender of our religion and morals!

from the proceedings of Wilkes and his

consequences

abettors, or with them and their intimately connected. These, therefore, must be held in view by all who would judge impartially of the great political actors.

While discontent was spreading in England, disaffection much more formidable was fast encreasing in America, which, if party. at home did not engender, it certainly nourished. The discontent of America had its origin in a new system adopted by Government. This was, to raise, by authority of Parliament, a revenue from the colonies, which had hitherto taxed themselves. The system may be traced back to the administration of Lord Bute; an administration, which, combined with his subsequent influence, and the influence of those who imbibed his sentiments, has been the source of very momentous consequences to this country. One branch of the policy by which Bute thought his plans of government likely to be most effectually carried into execution, was to keep up a much larger peace esta

blishment of the

army

than formerly. To

support this additional army, an additional revenue was necessary; the more difficult, as Britain was very much exhausted by the war recently concluded. Mr. George Grenville, the ostensible Prime Minister, had devoted much of his time and attention to finance, and was esteemed a very skilful financier.* His skill, however, was directed more to the productiveness of the duty than the policy of the taxation. In devising various schemes of revenue, it appeared to him that America, which had hitherto been left to tax herself, for her own internal establishments, should be obliged to contribute to the general support of the British empire. Several financial regulations of the British legislature, on that principle, respecting the American colonies, were, in America, represented as intolerable grievances in themselves, and as

* One of the most useful measures of that minister was the annexation of the Isle of Man to the Crown of Britain, by which smuggling was greatly repressed; and the Mancs, instead of being subject to feudal aristocracy, enjoyed the blessings of the British Constitution.