no bow-wow way to make ordinary observers fancy that it contained more strength than it did. Pungency often adds to the appearance of force: Burke could be pointed, but was not so habitually. His conversation, like his speeches, was an unaffected effusion of knowledge, imagery, sentiment, reasoning, philosophy. The susceptibility of his mind made his passions very easily moved. His irritability did not, however, show itself often in private conversation. Even in the contention of public debate, when his heat hurried him into expressions of which calm judgment could not approve, his as perity was either the occasional retort of irritation, or the moral reproof of real or fancied delinquency, not the planned attack of deliberate malice.

Lord North, in order to tranquillize America, proposed, in the beginning of his administration, to repeal the obnoxious laws of the former Ministry, and to reserve the duty on tea, merely to maintain the authority of Parliament. The duty was in

itself of no great importance, but in its principle and consequences of the highest moment. The mercantile interest had suffered by the associations of the Americans not to take the article taxed. Lord North's was a short-sighted expedient, intended to remove a particular inconvenience; but not a wise plan of general conciliation, by removing the causes of the discontents. As the Americans denied the parliamentary right of taxing them, the discontinuance of several duties did not tend to remove their dissatisfaction, while the smallest remained. The three-pence a pound on tea was equally inconsistent with the opinion of the Americans on taxation, as a high duty on that and every other article would have been. Lord North's measure was impolitic in two views: if the object was reconcilement, all the duties ought to have been taken off; if maintenance of the rights of Parliament, it was a diminution of revenue to no purpose. It was a half measure, and, as half measures usually are, was ultimately ineffectual. Burke's speech on this proposition contained

the most brilliant wit and sarcastic humour, with the most extensive knowledge and forcible reasoning. Lord North's scheme was, he said, a heterogeneous mixture of concession and coercion; of concession not tending to conciliate, and of coercion that could not be carried into execution; at once exciting hatred for the intention, and contempt for the weakness. Thus, the malignity of your will is abhorred, and the debility of your power is contemned; and Parliament, which you persuade to sanction your follies,

is exposed to dishonour.'

As his great genius was more and more matured by experience, he became, in estimating plans for the conduct of affairs, less and less attentive to questions of abstraction. At the commencement of his political life, he advised a declaration of right, while he was for renouncing its beneficial exercise. His wisdom was now of too enlarged a nature, and, too practical an operation, to dwell on barren generalities and metaphysical distinctions. Although no man could

more easily and more perfectly generalize, yet, in matters of counsel and action, he, in applying a general rule, always took into consideration the case with its causes, peculiar circumstances, and probable consequences, as to be expected from an appeal to experience. To use his own language, he regarded abstract competency as subservient to moral competency. Whatever had been found productive on the whole of good effects, he recommended to be done; of bad, to be avoided. In going over Lord North's proposition, he did not so much consider the question of right as of expediency. maxim of his, remarked by the penetrating Editor of the Posthumous Works, that to INNOVATE is not to REFORM, was applied to this measure. The Americans, he said, have been very serviceable to Britain under the old system; do not, therefore, let us rashly seek a new. Our commercial interests have been hitherto very greatly promoted by our friendly intercourse with the colonies; do not let us endanger possession for contingency, DO NOT LET US SUBSTITUTE UN

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TRIED THEORIES FOR A SYSTEM EXPERIMENTALLY ASCERTAINED TO BE USEFUL.

The changes from metaphysical disquisition to practical consideration is not peculiar to Burke; it is a common progression in wise minds, instructed in philosophy, as they become more experienced by increase of years, converse with mankind, and habituation to the business of life.

Lord North's object seems to have been too much to please both parties; to gratify the supporters of parliamentary supremacy, and to restore satisfaction to the colonies. Either a more thorough knowledge of the state and sentiments of the Americans, the capacity of drawing just conclusions from what he knew, or determined resolution to act according to his own information and reasoning, were wanting to Lord North. Many, knowing his abilities, have concluded the latter to be the case; and have thought his measures respecting America the dictates of less able but more powerful courtiers.