increased the number of their adherents, and added weight to an opinion before prevalent, that the Whig party, as the most strenuous supporters of the revolution, should continue to hold the reins of a government formed on the principles which had produced that great event. Those, it was alledged, who had promoted the establishment of the glorious William, the deliverer of Britain, and had so effectually humbled France, the enemy of this and every free country, ought always to preside at the helm of affairs. Mr. Harley,✓ who, at one stage of his political career professed himself of no party, held as a favourite maxim, that the name of party ought to be abolished, by SELECTING FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE, INDISCRIMINATELY, THE WISEST AND MOST VIRTUOUS, whatever their political denominations or connections might be. Dr. Somerville, a respectable historian, observes, that this was a maxim, which, though founded on specious arguments, can only be construed as a doubtful test of the liberality and independence of the person

who holds it, as it may be made subservient to private ambition, as often as to general utility. He afterwards shews, what was indeed very obvious, that Harley himself was far from being guided by this maxim. In calling it a doubtful test, the learned writer does not carefully distinguish between the truth and falsehood, utility and hurtfulness, of a principle in itself, and the sincerity and wisdom of those who may profess to adopt it. The goodness or badness of this political doctrine must be estimated by the tendency of the qualities, in which it would vest government, to produce public happiness. The question, therefore, is simply this, Whether the admission of either Whig or Tory doctrines, or the possession and exertion of wisdom and virtue, most completely fits either a man, or set of men, for managing difficult and complicated concerns, and promoting the welfare of society. The Tories, indeed, in the reign of Queen Anne, were a much less closely compacted band than the Whigs. Consciousness of their own strength and union, perhaps, might be

one reason which induced the Whigs to propose governing by their own junto, instead of joining with other parties in forming an Administration on a more extended plan.* During the reigns of the two first Georges, the Whig phalanx actually did govern by their own combination, in every Ministry but one, in which consummate genius, supported by the confidence of the nation, overbore the intrigues of party juntos. Mr. Pitt, though more favourable to Whig principles, grounded on reasoning and discussion, than to Tory notions, resting their weight upon anthority, could not be said to belong to the Whig combination; at the head of which was the Duke of Newcastle, who was also a member of that Administration. The Whig connection, in fact, considered themselves as a company in whom was vested a right to a monopoly in government; and repined that Mr. Pitt's abilities

This Mr. Harley strenuously endeavoured to promote, after the dismission of the Whig civil officers, and before the Duke of Marlborough was deprived of the command. See Somerville's History

Σ

་

made him Minister without being their creature, and frequently attempted to thwart his councils, but were borne down by the force of his reasoning. At the beginning of the present reign it was evident that his Majesty had formed a more liberal and comprehensive plan of government, than those which his two predecessors, led in a great degree by the circumstances of the times, had embraced. While the Stuart family cherished hopes of making good their pretensions to the throne, it was natural for the King, supported on principles inimical to Jacobitism, to repose the chief confidence in those whose political sentiments were most diametrically opposite to the doctrines of the Pretender's friends. But the hopes of the Chevalier being entirely crushed, it was time that general ability and character should resume their superiority over par-· ticular notions; and that the question should no longer be in the choice of a Minister, is, or is he not, a Whig or a Tory, but is he' qualified and disposed to promote the public good? This was a doctrine by no means

favourable to the views of the Whig connection; as those, who, by fortunate accidents have been enabled to possess a monopoly in a beneficial commerce, will by no means be the readiest to testify their approbation when the trade is thrown open to enterprize, skill, and ability. His Majesty's plan was to chuse his Ministers according to his opinion of their fitness for their offices, and not in obedience to the dictation of a junto.

The wisest and best plans are not always executed in proportion to their wisdom and utility. It often requires variety of experi ment before the properest modes of operation and agents of execution.can be discovered. The difficulty of selecting the most apposite means, and especially an unfortunate misunderstanding between the Ministers chosen by his Majesty and the illustrious personage whom we have above mentioned, the opposition of the Whig connection long prevented the thorough completion of the expanded scheme. Had Mr.