was the constant opponent of American taxation.

Were I to hazard an opinion on the subject, it would be, that Burke was not most frequently the writer of Junius's letters, if he was of any. Though very excellent, they are not equal, nor peculiarly similar, to his productions. They have been imputed to Lord George Germain, but I cannot accede to that opinion. Lord George is close and correct; in those qualities he resembles Junius: he does not abound in point and imagery; and in those qualities does not resemble Junius. I think Lord George Germain not Junius, because inferior to the latter; Burke, because superior.

The letters resemble the pungency and keen satire of Richard Burke more than the wisdom of Edmund. Richard, besides, was a man of a dissipated life, and consequently more likely to be acquainted with the history of ministerial gallantries, which occupy no small portion of Junius's animadversions.

In all this, however, there is hitherto no certainty. The time may arrive when the mystery will be unfolded. The discovery of this hidden champion of anti-ministerial politics may be, perhaps, in the power of a very eminent politician, still alive, and the first philological philosopher of the age.

As the Ministry were very unpopular, Junius reigned paramount over all political writings for two years. It has been saidthat the very forcible attack of Junius by Johnson in his Falkland Island,' so completely overthrew the popular champion, that he never resumed the fight. Though inferior to Johnson, it is not likely Junius would have been frightened from the field, even by that formidable opponent; especially as he fought under a mask, and could watch his own time and opportunity. In fact, Junius wrote for a year after the publication of Falkland Island.' That pamphlet was brought out in spring 1771, and immediately attracted the notice of all parties; and Junius did not discontinue his warfare till spring

1772, and some of the boldest of his letters to Lord Mansfield and the Duke of Grafton were written towards the close of 1771. It is more probable, that as the principal object of his attacks (the Duke of Grafton) had retired from office, the Duke of Bedford was dead, and all said of the Middlesex election that could be said, Junius gave over his writings when their object no longer existed.

Burke had now gotten a very pleasant villa near Beaconsfield, in Buckinghamshire. Various accounts have been given of his fortune at the time this purchase was made. The most general and best authenticated was, that the Marquis of Rockingham advanced ten thousand pounds on a simple bond, never intended to be reclaimed: that Dr. Saunders of Spring Gardens advanced five thousand, secured by a mortgage. It is certain that at Dr. Saunders's death, a mortgage on Burke's estate was found by the executor for that sum, and that the principal was considerably increased by ar

rears of interest.

The whole price was

twenty-three thousand pounds. It had been said, that Burke, his brother Richard, and Mr. William Burke, were very successful speculators in the funds. Edmund afterwards, as I shall shew, proved that he was totally unconcerned in any such transaction. How the remaining eight thousand pounds were procured I have not been able to ascertain.

As one of the freeholders of Buckinghamshire, Burke drew up a petition concerning the Middlesex election, and praying for a new parliament. The petition was adopted by the county meeting, and presented by him and some other freeholders of note. I shall transcribe the material parts, as they shew, in a few words, both the sentiments of Burke respecting the specific subject, and the comprehensive view he takes of political causes and effects.

• By the fundamental principles of the constitution, all the electors of Great Britain have an

undoubted right to elect, by a majority of legal votes, any man not rendered incapable by the law of the land. We are thoroughly sensible that the House of Commons may also judicially determine on the election of members of their own body; but the law of the land cannot be superseded by any resolution of either house of parliament, no new incapacity can be enacted except by the authority of the legislature. The claim of either house of parliament to make ordinances which should have the force of laws, hath once already proved fatal to the crown and to the constitution, and will, we fear, if the exercise of it be tolerated, prove again destructive to both. (After mentioning the election of Colonel Luttrel:) Justly alarmed at an attempt of this formidable nature, duty to our Sovereign, and to our injured country, calls upon us to represent, with all possible respect, the fatal consequences with which this vislation of the rights of free election must be attended, and we earnestly implore the intervention of your Majesty's wisdom and good¬ ness to afford, by legal and constitutional methods, the means for removing this unexampled grievance.