parts of a plan to invade the liberty and property of the colonies. This opinion was countenanced by some of the greatest men in both houses of parliament. Dissatisfaction, on each side of the Atlantic, was increased by reciprocal action and re-action. Notwithstanding the prevalence of such sentiments at home and abroad, the Ministry proceeded with their plan of raising a revenue from America, and framed the famous stamp-act; an act which displayed great financial skill, as it was simple, practicable, and equitable in its operation, equally well adapted to all the colonies, and in its nature efficacious.' In America, objections were made, not merely to some of its details, but to the competency of the enactors. The right of the British Parliament to impose taxes on colonies, not represented in it, was disputed with great warmth. Very strong remonstrances were transcribed, from the provincial assemblies to the King and Par

*

*See Stedman's History of the American War, vol. i. p. 28, Introduction.

liament. Resolutions were adopted, denying the right of Britain to impose taxes. Means were employed for forming a general combination, to prevent the measures of Government from taking effect. The resolutions of the Americans to oppose the stamp-act necessarily produced very great interruption to the commerce of this country. The mercantile sufferers joined with the political disapprovers of the scheme of taxation, and dissatisfaction with Ministry was very general. Mr. Grenville became very unpopular through the nation, and was now no great favourite at court.

The dismission of the Grenville Administration is said to have been owing princi pally to the following circumstance:-On an illness of the King, a plan was formed for a regency, should any of the Princes come to the crown while a minor. By this plan, the Princess of Wales had been left out. Whether this was an unintentional omission, or that the Ministers did not think the interference of a female, advanced in years, necessary to

the government of a great empire, while there were men fully competent, I do not know; but it was believed to have given great offence to the members of the interior cabinet, who, being better acquainted with her Royal Highness's talents, could more justly appreciate the value of her counsel. The preterition of the Princess accelerated, if not caused, the dismission of Ministry.

There were then two parties in opposition to Government,-Mr. Pitt's and the Duke

of Newcastle's.

A

From the From the age and infirmities of his Grace, the Marquis of Rockingham was considered as the acting leader. favourable opportunity now offered itself to these parties, combining the principal ability and property of the kingdom, to overturn the system of court-favouritism; but the jealousies of the leaders prevented an union so desirable to the friends of liberty and their country. Overtures were made by the Court, first, to Mr. Pitt; but he boldly and patriotically insisted, that all the secret advisers, and their creatures, should be entirely excluded

from any share in the direction of affairs. To this the Court would not altogether agree. Proposals were then made to the Marquis of Rockingham and the Duke of Newcastle, who, with their party, acceded to the offers of the Court. Lord Rockingham was appointed Prime Minister, and the Duke of Newcastle President of the Council. This hasty acceptance of office by the Rockingham party displeased Pitt. It is morally certain, that if they had kept aloof for a short time, the joint force of their party and Pitt's would have compelled the court-junto, no longer supported by Grenville and the Bedford interest, to suffer them to form an administration on whatever terms they pleased. Now Lord Rockingham was Minister, with upright intentions, public confidence; but without that support from all the friends of freedom which would have been necessary to render him independent of favouritism.

Such was the state of affairs when Burke began to devote his extraordinary talents to public business.

Of his first introduction to the Marquis, he himself gives an account in his speech. In the year 1765,' he says, being in a very private station, far from any line of business, and not having the honour of a seat in this house, it was my fortune, by the intervention of a common friend, to become connected

my

with a very noble person, then at the head of the Treasury department. It was indeed a situation of little rank and no consequence, suitable to the mediocrity of talents and pretensions; but a situation near enough to enable me to see, as well as others, what was going on; and I did see in that noble person such sound principles, such an enlargement of mind, such clear and sagacious sense, and such unshaken fortitude, as have bound me, as well as others much better, by an inviolable attachment to him from that time forward.'

The Marquis offered to make Burke his own secretary, which he accepted. Mr. Hamilton was engaged with the opposite party, and claimed the assistance of Burke as his early friend. Various accounts have