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Mr. URBAN, April 16. T. George's Hofpital at Chichefter, inquired after by your correfpondent, p. 202, was the antient hofpital near or without the Eaft gate for leprous perfons, defcribed by Tanner, Not. Mon. 561, from a record in the Fire Fruits office, as dedicated to St. James and St. Mary Magdalen, which feems to have been as old as King Richard I. or John. Leland (It. 8. 91. 2d Edition) "Hofpitall S. Jacobi leprofi Cicefiriæ." In the Catalogue of Religious Houfes, &c. at the end of Dugdale's Monaft. I. 1044, is " Ciceftria; domus leproforum juxta eandem, 41. 35. 9d." exifting in 1686, when an inquiry was made concerning the hofpitals and the ftate of them, and had then only a master and one poor perfon belonging to it. The authority for dedicating it to St. George does not appear, except that in Bacon's Liber Regis, "Gates, alias Eafter Gate, is a rectory dedicated to St. George, in the gift of the Dean and Chapter of Chichefier," which might lead to the mifnomer. Query, Is the hofpital in the parish of St. George?

I cannot quit this city without lodg ing a complaint against the Dean and Chapter for difembattling the cathedral. The fame practice has been adopted at the beautiful gate leading into the cathedral-yard at Canterbury. Can it be fuppofed to have been fuggefted in either cafe for the fake of economy?

P. 207. I had Wife's "Confiderations on Free Schools" in my eye, p. 21. P. 5. 1. penult. has LXX. as propofed.

P. 209, S. A. will excufe my doubts about his otter with the fish bones at the feet of Daubeney, the dog being the more common animal in fuch pofition.

P. 213. For Future State, in the run-
ning title, read Divine Eriftence.
"Tell them I AM, Jehovah faid
To Mofes, while earth heard in dread,
And fmitten to the heart,

At once above, beneath, around,
All Nature, without voice or found,

Reply'd, O Lord, THOU ART."
Chriftopher Smart's Sing to David, Banza 40.
P. 220. A correfpondent of the laft
Monthly Magazine, who inquires,
What ufe was made of the word
Arasad by any Greek writers before
the Chriftian æra," will find it in the
Philoctetes of Sophocles, v. 288, where
Philoctetes defcribes himself awaking
GENT. MAG. April, 1804.

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from his fleep after the Greeks had left him in the defert iflaud,

Συ δη τεκνον, ποιαν μ' ΑΝΑΣΤΑΣΙΝ δοκείς

Ανίων βιβωτων εξ υπιού τηναι ποτε; from fleep when they were all gone. Think, my fon, what an arifing I had Where the Scholiaft has Avação

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τη εξ υπνου εξεσιν. So St. Paul, Ephef. v. 14. has Ebapa o xxdeutor x sa applied both to Sleep and Sleep's ανάτα εκ των νεκρων. How fitly is αναhalf-brother Death!

P. 272. You are under a mistake as to the fire at Mr. Adams' houfe; the upper part only of which was injured, and the whole infured. The fire was occafioned by a lodger leaving his candle unfecured when he went to the Opera.

give any account of the Subterraneous
Have you no correfpondent that can
Garden found at Bulfirode, according
to the newspapers?
D. H.

Mr. URBAN,
THE explanation of the Bayeux
April 10.

1137, and in this p. 18, muft give Tapetry, in your last volume, p. pleature to the lovers of our national antiquities. It appears to be compiled with a better drawing, and underflood from Montfaucon, who was furnished his bufinefs better than M. Lancelot *; though the latter has improved upon his explication and drawings, and availed himfelf of it, and Montfaucon compliments his account of it.

The Father's drawings are on a large fcale, and alfo reduced to a finaller, as are Lancelot's.

Iume are on a finaller fcale between The plates in Montfaucon's 2d vothofe in his Ift and Lancelot's.

Thefe laft were republifhed in the Appendix to Dr. Ducarel's Tour in Normandy, with an Illuftration by the late Smart Lethieullier, efq.

Lancelot calls it "une piece de toile de lin," tranflated by Dr. Henry "web bande de tapiflerie. It is 19 inches of linen." Moutfaucon terms it, "une high or broad, and 210 f. 11 in. long, as Montfaucon, or as others 218 feet and a half by fomewhat above 2 feet wide, on which the figures were traced

* Mem. de l'Acad. des Belles Lettres, 12mo edit. IX. 535–561. XII. 369.

with

with wool couchee et croifee as they [hache] hatch a firft idea with a crayon. In order to preferve it, the Chapter had it lined; and depofited among their records a copy of the infcription.

Montfaucon begins, as your illufration does, with the meflage which Edward the Confetlor authorifed Harold to deliver to William Duke of Normandy, touching his having appointed him his fucceflor.

Harold fails with a favourable wind, velis vento plenis; and, landing on the territory of Ponthieu, is feized by its lord and conducted to Belrein or Beaurain.

The fecretary does not prefent the princess to Harold, but lays his right hand on her head in token of betroth ing. Your account does not notice that the fervice of Harold to his allies was by drawing them out of the fands; nor does he notice the word RED, part of the name of "Redones," towards which Conan fled, " fuga, not ergo vertit," or "vertitur," or 66 fugam vertit." Hiftorians differ as to the place where Harold fwore fealty to William, as future king of England; which this tapeftry and the Roman de Rofe fixes at Bayeux; Bay, here felt with a g. The only female weeping over Edward on his deathbed can hardly be his queen or his mother, who had both been difgraced by him. The hand of benediction over the church, whither his remains are couveyed, is merely equivalent to the foul conveyed by angels to heaven on fepulchral monuments. The canonization of Edward did not take place till 200 years after by Pope Alexander III. The cock of St. Peter, at the Eaft end of the church of Weltminfier, is pointed to by a man whom M. Lancelot fuppofed a bellringer. The infeription over Stigand's head afcertains that he, and not Alder the archbishop of York, as Ingulphus and Florence of Worcefter have faid, contrary to the Norman Hiftorian, performed the cere mony of coronation. The comet which attracted the beholders appeared in 1966; anno milleno fexageno quoque feno Anglorum metre fleurites fenfere "cometre (Ingolphus, Matth. Weftm.) The Saxon Chronicle places it 14 cal. May (which is April 19). Florence of Worcester and Bertold de Conftance, who continued the Chronicle of Hermannus Contractus to 1100, 8 cal.

May, or April 24. Florence makes it appear 7 days, the Roman de Rofe 14, Ordericus Vitalis and Gul. Gemiticenfis 15, Bertold and P. Labbe 30. Lancelot obferves, that the direction of this comet on the tapetry is from the Wet to the South. Ingulphus, p. 68, fays, "Regni mutationem, populi ftragem et multam terræ miferiam portendit : ut enim philofophi di cunt, quo dirigit crinem illuc dirigit et diferinem:" and Matth. Welt. 439, "Hanc regni fubverfionem et fanguinis redundantem effufionem cometa ingens et fanguineus atque crinitus in exordio illius anni apparens minaci fulgore præfignavit." Harold appears to receive with great emotion from a meffenger news, which Lancelot imagines was the defcent of the Norwegians on the North of England, under his difappointed brother Tofti*, whom he defeated at Stamford-bridge, in Yorkshire, 9 days before William landed. An English veffel ↑ brings news of the proceedings in England to William, who prepares accordingly, and holds a council, where the perfon in a mantle at his right is fuppofed by Lancelot to be his brother Robert earl of Morteign, and another, alike habited, one of his barons or principal officers. The trees are felled, cut into planks, and formed into veffels by fhort fmall axes.

The fize of thefe veffels could not be very large, by the mode of launching them by men drawing them with ropes into the fea. “No other mode of launching was yet invented, fays Lancelot. The reflels do not appear to be very high, and very like our gallies." They are there fully victualled and ftored, and fingle horfes and men and mounted cavalry appear in them. Whether the lefler fhips behind were really of fmaller dimenfions, or only thrown into perfpective, is not faid. Hiftorians make the whole armament amount to 3000 veffels. The ships for horfes were largeft, in the fleet which Manuel Commenus fent to Jerufalem, in 1168, are defcribed by William of Tvre, as having doors (oftia) in their fides, to let down for the horses to pafs over, as feveral ferry-boats on the Severn, Trent, and other rivers, have at prefent; but out of William's the horfes are reprefented tumbling into the water. William is not actually in the

* Rapin cal's him fotos, Mon faucon Tofte, Math. of Westminster Toft..

Navis, not as in p. 1218, matis.

great

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The landing made good, the foragers go forth in fearch of cattle, which are flaughtered and cooked in po's and other inftruments no way differing, as Lancelot conceived, from all camp utenfils; pots on a cross bar hung on flakes, and a fire under thein; loaves baked in a fimilar mode; and fowls fpitted or fkewered, which your correfpondent calls" meat of a rare kind.”

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The refult of a council is, to entrench and fortify themfelves at Haft ings, "ut foderetur caftellum at Hefting ceaftra Either the laft two words compofe the then name of Haftings, or both a fort and a camp were formed. A houfe is fired, either as being in the way of their works, or in refentment for the approach of Harold, juft announced; on which, William immediately quits Haftings, and mounts his horfe to meet him. He inquires of the captain of his advanced guard or scout, if they had feen the English army, and the captain announces their approach by his hand. Harold receives advice of the enemy's approach by his foot foldiers, one of whom is taking obfervation by holding his right hand before his face, while another points with his right hand. William, in the rear of his army, harangues them. The battle begins. The foot are archers, and horfemen have lances, which on Harold s fide are put into the hands of his infantry, and into fome three: the flain fill the border. The archers on William's but not on Harold's fide have mail; alfo axes, as defcribed by Malmtbury. Malmbury fays, among other weapons the English jactant lig nis impofita faxa. Lancelot imagined he faw one of them. It does not ftrike me, unlets fomething like a cross, or a mace of that fhape, is to be taken for it. LEVVINE and GURTI, both on foot, Harold's brother,

and many

French and English, were flain, entangled in an old ditch overgrown with grafs. Odo bishop of Bayeux, in a coat of mail, over a white thirt, whofe fleeves appear, on horfeback, holding a ftaff in his right hand, encouraging his party, was feconded by William, raifing his vizor to fhew he was alive. The battle is renewed, Harold's troops were cut to pieces, and Harold himself flain in the midft of the troop, who had rallied round his fiandard,

which here is a dragon. Harold is feen fallen to the ground, and a horfemau ftriking him with his fword across the thighs. Le Rou fays, he was first wounded in the eye, which was put

out. A foldier ftruck him on the vizor and threw him down, and a horseman pierced his thigh, in the fleshy part, to the bone :

Heralt a l'estendart eftoit,
A fon peer fe deffendcit.
Mex mout efisit de l'œil grevez
Por ceu
qu'l li eftoit crevez,

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A la douleur que i' fentoit
Du de! œil
cop
li doloit,
Vint un armè par la bataille,
Her.lt feri for la ventaille
A terre le fill trebuchier;
A ceu qu'il je vout condrecier.
Un chevalier le rabati
Qui en la cuiffe le feri
En la cuipe parmi le gros

La plaie fu diri qu'à' l'os.

Here the work ends, whether by the death of the Queen, or by the injury of time and accident. The imperfect evanefcent flate of the tapestry favours the latter conjecture.

Montfaucon concludes his account of this hiftorical monument, coæval with the events which it records, with this obfervation: "The English owe this obligation to William, that ever fince he and the Norman kings his fucceffors have occupied the thione, their country has made a much greater figure than before." This conclufion, while it reflects honour both onkings and people, is not to be taken as an encouragement to every invader who attempts to ufurp the Imperial throne of thefe realms: much lefs by the prefent Invader, who holds out nothing but deftruction in every poflible mode; without the flighteft claim of right-to our throne, or an iota of our property. If Superftition were to be confulted on this occafion, fhe would fay, no celeftial meteors fanction his attempt; nor in

Anno milleno oftagero quoque quarto
Anglorum metæ jaunas fenjere comete.
II. D.

RECORDS RELATING TO THE SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES. NO. HI 60. ITEM; Whether the muniments

and evidences of the lands, rents, and revenues, of this house be fately kept from vermin and moifinefs?

61. Item: Whether the mafter do keep hofpitality according to the ability of his houfe, and in like mauner as

other

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65. Item; Whether any of you have taken upon him the habit and profeffion of your religion chiefly for the intent, hope, or traft, to be made head and mafter of this houfe?

66 Item; Whether the matter of

this houfe, in giving any advocation, nomination, prefentation, or collation of any parfonage, vicarage, chapel, or benefice of the patronage and gift of this houf, do take, or ufe to take, any manner of penfion, portion, or other commodity or gains; or elfe doth make any convention or compaction, whereby any lucre may enfue to him in thar behalf?

67 Item: Whether he do receive, or ufe to receive, the fruits and revenues of every fuch benefice vacant, or use to borrow of him to whom he any money intendeth to give fuch benefice unto, exprefl covenanting or intending, that he fo obtaining the faid benefice shall freely and clearly remit the faid money fo borrowed?

68. Item; What and how many benefices the matter of this houfe doth occupy, and keep in his own hands?

69 Item; Whether the fame benefices be appropriate and united to this house by fufficient authority?

70. Item: Whether the master of this houfe doth make diftributions amongst the parishioners of the benefices appropriate, and doth keep and obferve all and fingular other provifions and ordinances fpecified and expreffed

in the appropriations of the fame benefices?

Exhibeant omnes & fingulas Approprialiones, una cum Ordinationibus & dotationibus Vicariatuum.

71. Item; Whether he do promote fufticient and able perfons in learning, unto fuch benefices as be of his gift manners, and virtue?

this houfe do ferve any parish church, 72. Item; Whether any brother of being appropriate and united to the fame, and how many churches appro priate be fo ferved ?

73. Item; Whether the master of this houfe hath and poffeffeth any benefice with cure, or any other dignity with his abbey?

Si aliquod tale habet, Difpenfationem, exhibeat.

74. Item; Whether the mafier of this houfe, at any time fince he was first made abbot, or matter, did know or believe that he was fufpended, or excommunicated, either by the law, or by any judge; and whether he, knowing mafs in the mean time, and before he or fuppofing himfelf fo to be, did fing was abfolved?

In vifitatione Monialium ad præmissų,

adduntur hæc.

75. Iiem; Whether this monaftery hath good and fufficient enclosure, and whether the doors and windows be diligently kept fhut, fo that no man can have entry into the fame, or any part thereof, at inconvenient times? Propter quod neceffarium erit Vifitatori

circumire monafterium, ac videre ac rimare difpofitionem ædificiorum, & an fint aliqua loca pervia per que secrete intrari poffit; & una fecum habeat abbatiffam cum duabus aut tribus fenioribus monialibus, a quibus tum interrogel, an oftia monafterii fingulis quibufque noctibus fub clavibus clauJa tenentur, & que carum monia, lium fenis confeclarum, vel an Abbas ipfa clavium cuftodium tempore nocturno habeant & teneant: nam non eft tutum clavium cuftodiam juniorilus

committere.

76. Item; Whether firangers, men or women, ufeth commonly to have communication with the fifters of this houfe, without licence of the abbess or priorefs, fpecially in fecret places, and in the abfence of their fifiers?

77. Item; Whether any fifter of this houfe

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