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VOLUME CXVI. JULY-DECEMBER, 1919.
THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW COMPANY LIMITED,
10, ADELPHI TERRACE, LONDON, W.C. 2
PRINTED BY THE NATIONAL PRESS AGENCY Limited WHITEFRIARS HOUSE, CARMELITE STREET, LONDON. E.C.4
By The Right Hon. Sir Joseph Compton-Rickett, M.P.
Nationality and the League of Nations. By The Right Hon. Augustine
The Economic Outlook in Europe. By Sir George Paish
An Irish Settlement and Public Opinion. By J. G. Swift MacNeill, K.C.
By The Rev. S. Udny
By T. R. W. Lunt
THE GREAT PEACE.
WE can only interpret the Treaty of Peace by considering the
size, complexity, and far-reaching results of the great war. That war has outrun every other struggle between tation and nation since the birth of history and has involved almost every racial interest throughout the world.
At the beginning of 1914 Germany had risen to the height of her power. During the previous forty years she had consolidated her own Empire and was exercising a growing influence upon Austria whose future she held in her hand. To Austria was assigned the responsibility of that corridor which extended from the Danube to the Mediterranean. Germany had advanced far upon the high road to the Persian Gulf and was almost within sight of the outposts of China and of India. Austria, prompted by ner senior partner, had already annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina in the teeth of Russian opposition. It was a challenge to Russia, the guardian of Slavic interests, difficult to decline. When the heir to the Austrian throne had been assassinated an opportunity occurred for the humiliation of Serbia in the teeth of the Russian protest. It was impossible for Russia to evade so direct a challenge, and she prepared to meet the contingency. This was a sufficient pretext for Germany, and the Central Powers committed themselves to war. Under these circumstances France was bound to fulfil her Treaty engagement. Her very existence had for long depended upon the friendship of Russia. It is true that the war was not intended primarily to be an invasion of France. But Germany was not averse to settling both scores in the East and the West at the same time. The war was really intended to abase the prestige and power of Russia, to create a German tutelage of Turkey, and to secure an advance into the East, both Near and Far. Incidentally, France was to be wiped out as a Great Power, reduced to the condition of a larger Holland. The war would really have effected the subjugation of the three Latin nations-France, Spain, and ultimately Italy-to German policy. It would have been followed by an immense development of German enterprise and commerce throughout the world, beginning with the command of the Mediterranean. In order to secure an undivided control of the Old World another war would have had to follow. Germany, backed by her immense prestige, would have fought the two British communities to the death. But this second war of the century would have been delayed ten or fifteen years until the German Fleet had grown and some domestic circumstance, or foreign complication, had embarrassed Great Britain. It was precipitated by the arrogant indifference of Germany to the capacity of this country to fulfil its treaty obligations, and to the power of the United States to extemporise a formidable army at short notice. The underlying fact of this world struggle must never be forgotten. From the moment that we entered the war the real issue became apparent. It was nothing less than the leadership of the civilised world. Was it to be German or British in type? For the British type still rules THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. VOL. CXVI. JULY 1919.