γραμματικως, τούτο δ' εςι το κατ' την εν αυτω γραμματικήν. “ Burt this (fays Dr. G.) does not hold true even with respect to the arts; for a man may write grammar merely by imitation, by chance, or by the direction of another: but, to be a grammarian, he must understand the art." Here Mr. T. objects, that one part of the fentence is made affertive, (a liberty by the way which he himself often takes) whereas, in the original, it is a queftion. True. But is the meaning affected by the change? No. The fubfequent paffage fhows, that though a question is put by Ariftotle, he had no doubts in his own mind, and that he meant not to excite any in that of his reader. Again, inftead of but to be a grammarian, &c. he obferves, that it fhould have been, a man is then a grammarian, when he does fomething grammatical, and in a grammatical manner.' This is literal, and we do not object to it. But we muft contend, contrary to his opinion, that Ariftotle did not mean to fay, that a fimple knowledge of grammar would not conflitute a grammarian, unlefs he did alfo fomething grammatical, grammatically. For the exercife of the knowledge is not neceffary.

In the fourth chapter of the fifth book, we are informed, that a paffage is omitted, and inflead of it this remark intrcduced, this plainly appears in geometry by means of a diagram.' We know not whether Dr. G. has afligned in his work any reason for the omiflion. The probable cause of it is its extreme obfcurity. He profeffes to write in order to be understood. Mr. T.'s object is very different: he aims at obfcurity, and he has completely fucceeded: for were we asked which was the moft cafy to be understood, the original of the metaphyfics or Mr. T.'s tranflation, we should say the original, beyond comparifon: for it is by conftant reference to the Greek alone, that we can poffibly divine the meaning of the English. We do not, however, approve of fuch omiflions.

In the eighth chapter of the fifth book, Mr. T. finds further occafion for the exercife of his criticifms; but to make them underflood would require more time and space than we can afford at prefent. We fhall, therefore, fatisfy ourfelves with obferving, that although the chapter be freely and rather paraphrafically tranflated, it is done in a manner that befpeaks a knowledge of the Greek language, which Mr. T. would perfuade us his opponent does not poffefs. We are fatisfied that his remarks on adinov and adınnua, would not have been written, could he have discovered any error of magnitude or importance. From this, therefore, we proceed to the third chapter of the fixth book.

Αρξαμένοι

Αρξάμενοι ουν ανωθεν, παλιν περι αυτων λεγωμεν. εγω δή οις αληθεύει η ψυχη τῳ καταφαναι ή αποφάναι πεντε τον αριθμον ταύτα δ' εςι τεχνή, επίσημη, φρόνησις, σοφία, τους υπολήψει γας και δοξη ενδεχεται διαψευδεσθαι. This paffage, fays Mr. T., means as follows. "Affuming, therefore, a more elevated exordium, let us again fpeak concerning these. And let thofe things through which the foul afferts the truth by affirming or denying, be five in number: viz. art, fcience, prudence, wifdom, intellect: for by hypolepfis and opinion, it is poffible to be deceived." It appears, that Dr. Gillies has omitted to notice uns, which we are kindly informed by his opponent means hypolepfis; by which Ariftotle wishes to fignify, the definite affent of the foul to the difcurfive energies of the dionoitic power. We are much obliged to Mr. T. for his tranflation and explanation, which are equally intelligible. We beg leave in return to fuggeft an improvement on his method of tranflating. We would recommend him. in future to print the text of his author in English characters, and call it an English translation: it might fave him fome trouble. We will alfo crave permiffion to affure him, that αρξαμενοι ανωθεν has no more to do with a more elevated exordium, than it has with a more depreffed one. It only means beginning from above, that is, refuming the fubject we treated of before.

We cannot think it neceffary further to purfue this enquiry. Having fufficiently fhown the nature of Mr. Taylor's criti cifms, we fpare our own; and our readers, from what they have feen, will give us full credit when we affert, that he is no more qualified to criticize than he is to tranflate, and that, in one and in the other, it is mere prefumption for him to attempt contending with Dr. Gillies."

ART. V.

Memoirs of the Rife and Progress of the Royal Navy. By Charles Derrick, Efq. of the Navy Office. 4to. 11. 11s. 6d. Blacks and Parry, Cadell, &c.

1806.

ΤΟ follow Mr. D. minutely through his " Rife and Progrefs of the Royal Navy" would require many extracts, and by far exceed the limits of our undertaking. We fhall therefore endeavour to prefent our readers with a fummary of this ingenious but elaborate compilation, introducing a few specimens of the compiler's plan and style.

C c

BRIT, CRIT. VOL. XXVIII, OCT. 1806.

Mr.

Mr. D. commences his work, with a dedication to Lord Barham, and declares his principal object to be that of tracing the progreffive improvement of our navy from its earlieft ftate; at what time, and under whofe reign, the naval force was promoted, neglected, or in other words not augmented; and at what periods, and through whofe exertions, improvements in fhip-building were introduced into it.

Having with much perfpicuity drawn up ftates and lifts of the navy, with its individual force, tonnage, and complements, accounts of the principal expeditions, armaments, and actions, beginning at the reign of Henry the Seventh, (certainly the true ara of the origin of our navy) and interfperfing the whole with anecdotes of thofe kings, princes, admirals, and other officers under whofe immediate aufpices, and through whofe exertions, our navy has gradually rifen to its prefent luftre, he concludes with a pathetic tribute to the renowned Nelfon, and an account of that celebrated action in which the hero fell.

If we can depend upon the curious print given to us of the Henry Grace de Dieu (which fhould be the Harry Grace de Dieu) it may, without much profeffional knowledge, be pronounced totally unfit for the purpofes of navigation, and certainly not fafe beyond the reach of cable. It was built by order of Henry the Eighth, when Mr. D. obferves

"The English were confiderable for power in the preceding reign, yet they had no confiderable occafion to affert their fovereignty at a till the reign of Henry the Eighth. By his prerogative, and at his own expence, he laid the foundation, and fettled the conflitution of the prefent navy. An Admiralty and Navy Office were conftituted, and Cominidioners appointed by him regular falaries were fettled not only for the admirals and vice-admirals, but for his captains and feamen; and the fea fervice at this time became a diftinét and regular profeffion.

"Henry having entered into a league against France, fitted out a fleet under the command of Sir Edward Howard, lord high admiral; and by an indenture dated 8th April, 1512, granted him the following allowance, viz.

"For his own maintenance, diet, wages, and rewards, ten fhillings a day:

"For each of the captains, for their diet, wages, and rewards, eighteen pence a day.

"For every foldier, mariner, and gunner, five fhillings a month for his wages, and five fhillings for his victuals." P. 4«

Such, it appears, was the foundation of our navy, and we fhall give a few more extracts to fhow its progreffive improvement. It should be remarked, that to cach reign is

1

annexed

annexed a lift of the navy, but, as we before faid, to follow Mr. D. minutely would require greater extent than we can afford him; we fhall only fele&t fuch paffages as appear para ticularly entertaining or interefting.

The following is a curious fact.

"Although there was only ore naval expedition of a warlike nature in Mary's reign, and no material lofs or misfortune happened to the fcet, it diminifhed exceedingly and on 14,000l. being ordered to be applied to the fleet, both for repairing and victualling it, it was computed that 10,000l. a year would afterwards anfwer all neceffary charges." P. 18.

The armament of the Spanish armada was the cause of great exertions and additions to our navy in the reign of Elizabeth. But we do not clearly comprehend the motive of the commiflioners in over-rating the tonnage of fhips, fince the contrary is now the cuftom.

"Elizabeth, foon after the afcended the throne, by building fome fhips of her own, confiderably increafed her marine and The encouraged the merchants to build large trading veffels, which on occafion were converted into ships of war. It is alfo faid that the commiffioners of the navy had liberty to rate the faid veffels at from 50 to 100 tons more than they measured."

P. 21.

James the First prohibited the importation or exportation of goods in any but English bottoms, fo that if the aggran difement of the navy was not fo much his object, he gave great encouragement to fhip-building.

"The only naval expedition of confequence undertaken in the reign of King James, was the attempt, on Algiers." P. 43.

After a minute account of the force, embellifhments, &c. of that celebrated fhip" the Sovereign of the Seas," built by Charles the Firft, Mr. D. adds, .

"The abovementioned fhip being a remarkable one, I will here add fome further particulars concerning her. She was the largeft fhip that had ever been built in England, and is faid to have been defigned only for fplendour and magnificence: and to have been in fome measure the occafion of the loud complaints againft fhip money in this reign. But being taken down a deck lower, fhe became according to report one of the bett men of war in the world. She was in almost all the great engagements that were fought between England and Holland. On the 27th January, 1696, this fhip (then called the Royal Sovereign) being laid up at Chatham in order to be rebuilt a fecond time, accidentally took fire and was confumed." P. 6.4.

Cc2

Speaking

Speakin of the commonwealth, the author says,

"We come now to a very bufy period of our naval history, when we had to encounter with the greateft maritime power in Europe, and when our force had been confiderably reduced: Prince Rupert having quitted the kingdom in the year 1648, with twenty-five fhips under his command, none of which ever returned.

"The protector was fo fenfible of the refpect paid by foreign ftates to the naval power of this country, when kept in a respect. able condition, that instead of reducing his navy at the conclufion of the war in 1654, he ordered all the fhips to be repaired, and to be put into good condition. He also ordered new ones to be built, and fitted the ftore houfes and magazines with all the neceffaries for a fleet, as if it had been a time of the greatest danger." P. 76.

"Estimates for the maintenance and fupport of the navy were first laid before parliament in the time of the commonwealth: and the protector procured an annual grant of 400,000l. for the expence of the navy, which at his death in 1658, confifted of almost double the number of fhips to what there were at the commencement of the civil wars." P 78.

"After the death of Cromwell the funds for the fleet were diverted to various other purposes." P. 81.

We quote the laft fentence, as there appears a little feeming contradiction, when the following paffages are collated from the reign of Charles the Second.

"That the king understood maritime affairs very well, and for the first ten years of his reign was very intent in promoting the increase of our naval power feems to be allowed by every one: and a perfon (Mr. Pepys) who was very capable of judging, fays that His Majefty poffeffed a tranfcendent mastery in all mari. time knowledge." P. 84.

"When the parliament were affembled in February 1677, the king acquainted them with the decayed condition of the navy, and asked money for repairing it. The houfe of commons, the fame feffion, voted 586,00cl. for building thirty fhips, and strictly appropriated the money to that fervice. Eftimates were given in of the expence, but it was afterwards found they fell fhort near 100,000l. The king in October 1675, had likewise desired supplies for building of fhips, and 300,000l. was then voted for that fervice, under very particular reftrictions." P. 90.

King James the Second commanded the fleet himself, and had been in feveral engagements; he had likewife held the office of lord high admiral in his brother's reign.

"One of his first cares, therefore, was that of the navy; and y animating its officers, and enabling them (with fuitable fup.