suggested that Sir Robert should be directed to retire from the House during the debate-a course supported by several ancient precedents, where specific charges or points of evidence were in question, but in this case most unjust, as enabling any enemies to heap vague imputations upon the Minister, without allowing him any opportunity for explanation or reply. The mover of this last proposal, Mr. Wortley Montagu, was a gentleman of immense property and consequent weight amongst his contemporaries, but only known or deserving to be known to posterity as the husband of the British Sévigné. He appears to have combined very moderate talents with most overweening vanity. From several of Lady Mary's letters to him we may gather that no flatteries were too gross for his taste. Thus, "I never knew any "man capable of such a strength of resolution as yourself.” "I have always told you it is in your power to make the first "figure in the House of Commons." "You have a stronger judgment than any!"* No man of real sense would have endured such fulsome praises of it.

The motion of Wortley Montagu was seconded by Mr. Gibbon; but, so general seemed the feeling in the House of its unfairness, and of the inapplicability of the precedents, that the proposal was withdrawn, and it was agreed that Walpole should be permitted to hear every accusation and to speak the last. The debate then reverting to the main question was long and acrimonious. The Minister was defended by Pelham and Stephen Fox, perhaps with more zeal than talent: the ablest speeches against him were Pitt's and Pulteney's. Edward Harley, brother of the Lord Treasurer Oxford, and who a few months afterwards, on the death of his nephew, succeeded to the earldom, gave a rare and most praiseworthy example of moderation. "I do not," said he,

*To Mr. Wortley, January 25. 1742, June 1. 1740, and March 23. 1744. It is asserted that there still exists in MS. a speech of this "first figure in "the House of Commons," which he intended to read from his hat; it has certain notable hints for the delivery carefully arranged along the margin, such as "here pause for a minute"-"look round"-"slow"-"loud" "cough." I hope his hearers never applied the latter hint to themselves! See Quarterly Review, No. xlvi. p. 416.

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"stand up at this time of night either to accuse or flatter any 66 man. Since I have had the honour to sit in Parliament, I "have opposed the measures of administration because I "thought them wrong, and as long as they are I shall con"tinue to give as constant an opposition to them. The state "of the nation by the conduct of our Ministers is deplorable; a war is destroying us abroad, and poverty and corruption are devouring us at home. But whatever I may think of "men, God forbid that my private opinion should be the "only rule of my judgment! I should desire to have an ex"terior conviction from facts and evidences. A Noble "Lord to whom I had the honour to be related has been "often mentioned in this debate. He was impeached and "imprisoned; by that imprisonment his years were shortened; "and the prosecution was carried on by the Right Honour"able Gentleman who is now the subject of your question, "though he knew at that very time that there was no evidence "to support it. I am now, Sir, glad of this opportunity to "return good for evil, and to do that Right Honourable "Gentleman and his family that justice which he denied to "mine." So saying he left the house, and was followed by his kinsman Mr. Robert Harley.

As remarkable, though on very different grounds, was the conduct of Shippen. He observed that he looked upon this motion as only a scheme for turning out one Minister and bringing in another; that it was quite indifferent to him who was in or who was out; and that therefore he would give himself no concern in the question. With these words he withdrew, and was followed by thirty-four of his friends. Nay, Lord Cornbury even went further; and, declaring that no man whose ardour for vengeance had not extinguished every other motive of action could resolve to sanction a method of prosecution by which the good and bad are equally endangered, announced that he should vote against the motion. The course of these Jacobite Members excited much surprise, and called forth many conjectures. So far as Shippen himself is concerned, it is explained by a fact which one of his

relatives communicated to Mr. Coxe. Some time before, Sir Robert Walpole having discovered a correspondence which one of Shippen's party carried on with the Pretender, Shippen called on the Minister, and entreated him to save his friend. Sir Robert readily complied, and then said: "Mr. Shippen, "I cannot desire you to vote with the administration, for with "your principles I have no right to expect it. But I only "require, whenever any question is brought forward in the "House affecting me personally, that you will recollect the "favour I have now granted you."* It is not to be supposed, however, that this engagement could bind any one but Shippen himself. But a letter of Mr. Thomas Carte, in the Stuart collection, and referring to this very subject, shows that the hopes inspired by Walpole's message to the Pretender were not wholly dissipated.** It proves also that the motion of Sandys had been hastily brought forward without due and sufficient communication to the Jacobite Members, and that at the last moment they felt displeased, and determined to show their displeasure, at this arrogant neglect.

When Pulteney had sat down Sir Robert rose, and delivered a speech equal if not superior to any of his former efforts. Some of the charges against him, such as the despotic dismissal of officers, did not in my opinion admit of any satisfactory answer; but on many points his defence was conclusive, and on all most able. He observed that the parties combined against him might be divided into three classes, the Tories, the dissatisfied Whigs, calling themselves Patriots, and the Boys the latter phrase denoting how generally the young men of promise who entered Parliament had joined the Opposition banner, and thus afforded, perhaps, the surest of all omens of a Minister's fall. "The Tories," said Sir Robert, "I can easily forgive; they "have unwillingly come into the measure, and they do me "honour in thinking it necessary to remove me as their only "obstacle.... Gentlemen have talked a great deal of

* Memoirs of Walpole, vol. i. p. 671.

** Mr. Carte to the Pretender (Received April 17. 1741.). See Appendix.

1741.

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"patriotism- a venerable word when duly practised; but I am sorry to say that of late it has been so much hackneyed "about, that it is in danger of falling into disgrace: the very "idea of true patriotism is lost, and the term has been pro"stituted to the very worst of purposes. A patriot, Sir! 66 why patriots spring up like mushrooms! I could raise fifty "of them within the four-and-twenty hours I have raised "many of them in one night. It is but refusing to gratify "an unreasonable or an insolent demand, and up starts a "patriot. I have never been afraid of making patriots, but "I disdain and despise all their efforts...... I am called "repeatedly and insidiously prime and sole Minister. Admitting, however, for the sake of argument, that I am "prime and sole Minister in this country; am I therefore "prime and sole Minister of all Europe? am I answerable "for the conduct of other countries as well as for that of my "own? Many words are not wanting to show that the par"ticular views of each Court occasioned the dangers which "affected the public tranquillity; yet the whole is charged "to my account. Nor is this sufficient; whatever was the "conduct of England, I am equally arraigned. If we main"tained ourselves in peace, and took no share in foreign "transactions, we are reproached for tameness and pusilla"nimity. If, on the contrary, we interfered in the disputes, 66 we are called Don Quixotes, and dupes to all the world. If "we contracted guarantees, it was asked, why is the nation "wantonly burthened? If guarantees were declined, we "were reproached with having no allies."

Sir Robert next proceeded to vindicate the Treaty of Hanover, and the whole series of his foreign policy. In his financial administration, he contended that within the last sixteen or seventeen years no less than 8,000,000l. of the Debt had been discharged by the application of the Sinking Fund, and 7,000,0007. more taken from that fund and applied to the relief of the agriculturists through the diminution of the Land Tax. As to the conduct of the war, "as I am neither Admi"ral nor General," said he, "as I have nothing to do either

"with our Navy or Army, I am sure I am not answerable for "the prosecution of it. But were I to answer for every thing, "no fault could, I think, be found. It has from the beginning "been carried on with as much vigour, and as great care of "our trade, as was consistent with our safety at home, or "with our circumstances at the beginning of the war; and if 66 our attacks upon the enemy were too long delayed, or if "they have not been so vigorous or so frequent as they ought "to have been, those only are to blame who have for many "years been haranguing against standing armies..... In "conclusion, what have been the effects of this corruption, 66 ambition, and avarice with which I am so abundantly "charged? Have I ever been suspected of being corrupted? "A strange phenomenon, a corrupter himself not corrupt! "Is ambition imputed to me? Why then do I still continue a "Commoner? I, who refused a White Staff and a Peerage! "I had, indeed, like to have forgotten the little ornament "about my shoulders, which gentlemen have so repeatedly "mentioned in terms of sarcastic obloquy. But surely, "though this may be regarded with envy or indignation in "another place, it cannot be supposed to raise any resent"ment in this House, where many must be pleased to see "those honours which their ancestors have worn restored "again to the Commons.... I must think that an Address "to His Majesty to remove one of his servants, without so "much as alleging any particular crime against him, is one "of the greatest encroachments that was ever made upon the "prerogative of the Crown; and, therefore, for the sake of "my master, without any regard for my own, I hope all "those that have a due respect for our Constitution, and for "the rights and prerogatives of the Crown, without which our Constitution cannot be preserved, will be against this "motion."

แ

This speech, which was not concluded till nearly four in the morning, produced a strong effect, and was followed by a triumphant division; the numbers being, for the motion 106, against it 290, an unusually large majority, mainly resulting,