SPEECH

OF MR, PITT ON THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COM MONS, APRIL 2, 1792.

INTRODUCTION.

NUMEROUS petitions for the abolition of the African slave trade were presented to Parliament at the session of 1787-8. On the 9th of May, 1788, Mr. Pitt, acting for Mr. Wilberforce, who was confined by illness, moved that "the subject be taken up early the next session." This was accordingly done on the 19th of May, 1789, when Mr. Wilberforce laid open the enormities of this traffic in a speech of great compass and power. So conclusive were his statements, that Mr. Pitt was prepared to carry through the measure by an immediate vote; but yielded, at last, to a demand for the examination of witnesses in behalf of the slave merchants, remarking, however, that "he could by no means submit to the ultimate procrastination of so important a business." Every artifice was now used to protract the inquiry. The passions of the colonists were inflamed; the wealth and influence of the great commercial towns engaged in the trade, Liverpool, Bristol, &c., were arrayed against the measure; the revolution in St. Domingo and the insurrection in Dominica, furnished plausible arguments to alarm the timid; the speedy depopu lation of the West India Islands, with the loss of seventy millions sterling of property, was urged as the inevitable result; until the nation was staggered, and many well-wishers of the cause began to waver in their opinions. Some of Mr. Pitt's warmest supporters were of this number, and especially Mr. Dundas, with whom it was impossible for him to break, so that he felt himself no longer able to make it a ministerial question, or to insist on its being carried as a measure of the government. In the mean time. Mr. Wilberforce and his friends were not idle. Evidence of the most conclusive kind was collected from every quarter, and presented in so clear a light, as to relieve the public mind from the terrors which had been thrown around the subject, and to give a full exhibition of the unparalleled atrocities of the traffic, as then actually carried on.

Early in 1792, five hundred and seventeen petitions against the slave trade were laid before Parlia ment; and on the 2d of April, Mr. Wilberforce made a motion, supported by an able speech, for its im mediate suppression. After a protracted debate, Mr. Dundas rose, and, declaring himself to be in favor of the ultimate extinction of the trade, pleaded for delay, insisting that the object aimed at by Mr. Wil berforce would be secured with far greater ease and certainty by a gradual than by an immediate abo lition. Mr. Addington, the Speaker, followed him in the same strain. This called forth a reply from Mr. Pitt in the speech before us, being one of the ablest pieces of mingled argument and eloquence which he ever produced. He first took up the question of expediency, comparing the two schemes of gradual and immediate abolition; and while he put down Mr. Dundas and Mr. Addington completely on every point, he showed admirable tact in so doing it, as to leave no room for mortified feeling or personal resentment He then proceeded to his main ground, that of right. "I now come to AFRICA! Why ought the slave trade to be abolished? Because it is incurable injustice. How much stronger, then, is the argument for immediate than for gradual abolition!" On this topic he put forth all his strength, exposing, in tones of ofty and indignant eloquence, the complicated enormities of a system which had made the shores of Af ica for centuries a scene of cruelty and bloodshed, and brought infamy on the character of Christian na tions engaged in this guilty traffic. Mr. Wilberforce says in his Journal, "Windham, who has no love for Pitt, tells me that Fox and Grey, with whom he walked home from this debate, agreed in thinking Pitt's speech one of the most extraordinary displays of eloquence they had ever heard. For the last twenty minutes he really seemed to be inspired."-P. 111.

SPEECH, &c.

MR. SPEAKER,-At this hour of the morning [four o'clock], I am afraid, sir, I am too much exhausted to enter so fully into the subject before the committee as I could wish; but if my bodily strength is in any degree equal to the task, I feel so strongly the magnitude of this question, that I am extremely earnest to deliver my sentiments, which I rise to do with more satisfaction, because I now look forward to the issue of this business with considerable hope of success.

The debate has this night taken a turn which,

this subject to a fair issue; that something, at least, is already gained, and that the question has taken altogether a new course this night. It is true, a difference of opinion has been stated, and has been urged with all the force of argument that could be given to it. But permit me to say that this difference has been urged upon principles very far removed from those which were maintained by the opponents of my honorable friend [Mr. Wilberforce], when he first brought forward his motion. There are very few of those who have spoken this night, who have not thought it their duty to declare their full and entire concurrence with my honorable friend in promoting the abolition of the slave trade as their ultimate object. However we may differ as to the time and manner of it, we are agreed in the abolition itself; and my honorable friends have expressed their agreement in this sentiment with that sensibility upon the subject, which humanity does most undoubtedly require. I do not, however, think they yet perceive what are the necessary consequences of their own concession, or follow up their own principles to their just conclusion.

The point now in dispute between us is a difThe present ference merely as to the period of time at which the abolition of the slave trade

question simply one of time.

ly by them. If they can show that their proposition of a gradual abolition is more likely thar ours to secure the object which we have in view; that by proceeding gradually we shall arrive more speedily at our end, and attain it with more certainty, than by a direct vote immediately to abolish; if they can show to the satisfaction both of myself and the committee, that our proposi tion has more the appearance of a speedy abolition than the reality of it, undoubtedly they will in this case make a convert of me, and my honorable friend who moved the question. They will make a convert of every man among us who looks to this (which I trust we all do) as a question not to be determined by theoretical principles or enthusiastic feelings, but considers the practicability of the measure, aiming simply to effect his object in the shortest time, and in the surest possible manner. If, however, I shall be able to show that our measure proceeds more directly to its object, and secures it with more certainty, and within a less distant period; and that the slave trade will on our plan be abolished sooner than on theirs, may I not then hope that my right honorable friends will be as ready to adopt our proposition, as we should in the other case be willing to accede to theirs?

immediate

enforced?

One of my right honorable friends has stated ought to take place. I therefore con- that an act passed here for the aboli- Preliminary gratulate this House, the country, and the world, tion of the slave trade would not se- inquiry: Can that this great point is gained. That we may cure its abolition. Now, sir, I should abolition be now consider this trade as having received its be glad to know why an act of the condemnation; that its sentence is sealed; that British Legislature, enforced by all those sancthis curse of mankind is seen by the House in its tions which we have undoubtedly the power and true light; and that the greatest stigma on our the right to apply, is not to be effectual; at least, national character which ever yet existed is as to every material purpose? Will not the exabout to be removed; and, sir, which is still more ecutive power have the same appointment of the important, that mankind, I trust, in general, are officers and the courts of judicature, by which now likely to be delivered from the greatest prac- all the causes relating to this subject must be tical evil that has ever afflicted the human race; tried, that it has in other cases? Will there not from the severest and most extensive calamity be the same system of law by which we now recorded in the history of the world! maintain a monopoly of commerce? If the same In proceeding to give my reasons for concur-law, sir, be applied to the prohibition of The laws Ground of ring with my honorable friend [Mr. Wildiscussion. berforce] in his motion, I shall necessarily advert to those topics which my honorable friends near me [Dundas and Addington] have touched upon, and which they stated to be their motives for preferring a gradual, and, in some degree, a distant abolition of the slave trade, to the more immediate and direct measure now proposed to you. Beginning as I do, with declaring that, in this respect, I differ completely from my right honorable friends near me, I do not, however, mean to say that I differ as to one observation which has been pressed rather strong

It is one characteristic of Mr. Pitt to open a discussion by some striking remark of this kind-some difference between him and a preceding speaker, some distinction, &c., &c.—which gives him an opportunity to state his ground with great clearness, and to place the question on its true footing. This throws a light forward upon the entire course he has to traverse, and conduces greatly to that luminous exposition of a subject for which he was so much celebrated.

ly strong

the slave trade which is applied in the are certaincase of other contraband commerce, enough. with all the same means of the country to back it, I am at a loss to know why the actual and total abolition is not as likely to be effected in this way, as by any plan or project of my honorable friends, for bringing about a gradual termination of it.3 But my observation is extremely fortified by what fell from my honorable friend who spoke last. He has told you, sir, that if you

2 It is hardly necessary to remark how soon Mr. Pitt enters (as in these three sentences) on one of those amplifications by which he was accustomed to enforce his thoughts, presenting them in detail under different aspects upon which the mind might dwell.

3 Mr. Pitt was much accustomed to argue, as in these four sentences, by exhaustion-by taking all the suppositions belonging to the case, and deducing the result. The turn which he next gives to the argument, by making Mr. Addington testify against himself, is an instance of the extraordinary sagacity for which he was distinguished in sifting. the arguments of others.

Mr. Adding

warned against

disproportion of the sexes.

This, however, is a

(3.) Abolition one great

tality, that

I have patience with it for a few years, the slave trade must drop of itself, from disparity which existed in any mate- (2.) The distum's argument the increasing dearness of the com- rial degree only in former years; it parity of the himself. modity imported, and the increasing is a disparity of which the slave trade ceased. progress, on the other hand, of internal popula- has been itself the cause, which will gradually tion. Is it true, then, that the importations are so diminish as the slave trade diminishes, and must expensive and disadvantageous already, that the entirely cease if the trade shall be abolished; internal population is even now becoming a but which, nevertheless, is made the very plea cheaper resource? I ask, then, if you leave to the for its continuance. I believe this disproportion importer no means of importation but by smug- of the sexes, taking the whole number of the isl gling, and if, besides all the present disadvanta- ands, Creole as well as imported Africans, the ges, you load him with all the charges and haz- latter of whom occasion all the disproportion, is ards of the smuggler, by taking care that the not now by any means considerable. laws against smuggling are in this case watch- But, sir, I also showed that the great mortalfully and rigorously enforced, is there any dan-ity, which turned the balance so as ger of any considerable supply of fresh slaves to make the deaths appear more nu- would remove being poured into the islands through this chan- merous than the births, arose too from source of mor nel? And is there any real ground of fear, be- the imported Africans, who die in ex- among the im cause a few slaves may have been smuggled in traordinary numbers in the seasoning. ported negroesn or out of the islands, that a bill will be useless If, therefore, the importation of negroes should and ineffectual on any such ground? The ques- cease, every one of the causes of mortality which tion under these circumstances will not bear a I have now stated would cease also; nor can I dispute. conceive any reason why the present number of laborers should not maintain itself in the West Indies, except it be from some artificial cause, some fault in the islands; such as the impolicy of their governors, or the cruelty of the managers and officers whom they employ. I will not reiterate all that I said at that time, or go through island by island. It is true there is a difference in the ceded islands; and I state them possibly to be, in some respects, an excepted case. But we are not now to enter into the subject of the mortality in clearing new lands. It is, sir, undoubtedly another question; the mortality here is ten-fold; neither is it to be considered as the carrying on, but as the setting on foot a slave trade for the purpose of peopling the colony; a measure which I think will not now be maintained. I therefore desire gentlemen to tell me fairly, whether the period they look to is not now arrived; whether, at this hour, the West Indies may not be declared to have actually attained a state in which they can maintain their population? And upon the answer I must necessarily receive, I think I could safely rest the whole of the question.

I. Perhaps, however, my honorable friends take up another ground, and say, Expediency. may "It is true your measure would shut out further importations more immediately; but we do not mean to shut them out immediately. We think it right, on grounds of general expediency, that they should not be immediately shut out." Let us, therefore, now come to this question of the expediency of making the abolition distant and gradual, rather than immediate.

question.

The argument of expediency, in my opinion, like every other argument in this disquisition, will not justify the continuance of the slave trade for one unnecessary hour. Supposing it to be in our power, which I have shown it is, to enforce the prohibition from this present time, the expediency of doing it is to me so clear, that if I went on this principle alone, I should not feel a moment's hesitation. What is the argument Population of expediency stated on the other side? It is doubted whether the deaths and births in the islands are, as yet, so nearly equal as to insure the keeping up a sufficient stock of laborers. In answer to this, I took the liberty of mentioning in a former year what appeared to me to be the state of population at that time. My observations were taken from documents which we have reason to judge authentic, and which carried on the face of them the conclusions I then stated; they were the clear, simple, and obvious result of a careful examination which I made into this subject, and any gentleman who will take the same pains may arrive at the same degree of satisfaction.

dilemma on this

One honorable gentleman has rather ingeniously observed, that one or other of His opponents' these two assertions of ours must subject set necessarily be false: that either the side. population must be decreasing, which we deny, or, if the population is increasing, that the slaves must be perfectly well treated (this being the cause of such population), which we deny also. That the population is rather increasing than otherwise, and also that the general treatment is by no means so good as it ought to be, are both points which have been separately proved by different evidences; nor are these two points so entirely incompatible. The ill treatment must be very great, indeed, in order to diminish materially the population of any race of people. That it is not so extremely great as to do this, I will admit. I will even admit, if you please, that this charge may possibly have been some

times exaggerated; and I certainly think that it applies less and less as we come nearer to the present times.

Dilemma

on its author.

interest to bet

of

And here let me add, that in proportion as you increase the happiness of these. They have er unfortunate beings, you will undoubt-ery intive of edly increase in effect the quantity of trendi their labor also. Gentlemen talk of slaves. the diminution of the labor of the islands! I will venture to assert that, even if in consequence of the abolition there were to be some decrease in the number of hands, the quantity of work done, supposing the condition of the slaves to improve, would by no means diminish in the same proportion; perhaps would be far from diFor if you restore to this degraded race the true feelings of men; if you take them out from among the order of brutes, and place them on a level with the rest of the human species, they will then work with that energy which is natural to men, and their labor will be productive, in a thousand ways, above what it has yet been; as the labor of a man is always more productive than that of a mere brute.

But let us see how this contradiction of ours, as it is thought, really stands, and how trued back the explanation of it will completely settle our minds on the point in question. Do the slaves diminish in numbers? It can be nothing but ill treatment that causes the diminution. This ill treatment the abolition must and will restrain. In this case, therefore, we ought to vote for the abolition. On the other hand, do you choose to say that the slaves clear-minishing at all. ly increase in numbers? Then you want no importations, and, in this case also, you may safely vote for the abolition. Or, if you choose to say, as the third and only other case which can be put, and which perhaps is the nearest to the truth, that the population is nearly stationary, and the treatment neither so bad nor so good as it might be; then surely, sir, it will not be denied that this, of all others, is, on each of the two grounds, the proper period for stopping farther supplies; for your population, which you own is already stationary, will thus be made undoubtedly to increase from the births, and the good treatment of your present slaves, which I am now supposing is but very moderate, will be necessarily improved also by the same measure of abolition. I say, therefore, that these propositions, ocntradictory as they may be represented, are in truth not at all inconsistent, but even come in aid of each other, and lead to a conclusion that is decisive. And let it be always remembered that, in this branch of my argument, I have only in view the well-being of the West Indies, and do not now ground any thing on the African part of the question.

ing difficulties

the colonial gov.

ernments.

This proved

nished by the

themselves.

It generally happens that in every bad cause information arises out of the evidence of its defenders themselves, which from facts fur serves to expose in one part or other West Indians the weakness of their defense. It is the characteristic of such a cause, that if it be at all gone into, even by its own supporters, it is li able to be ruined by the contradictions in which those who maintain it are forever involved.

that a slave

work when la

The committee of the Privy Council of Great Britain sent over certain queries to the They testify, West India islands, with a view of elu- does twice the cidating the present subject; and they boring for humparticularly inquired whether the ne- self. groes had any days or hours allotted to them in which they might work for themselves. The But, sir, I may carry these observations re- assemblies in their answers, with an air of great (4.) Any remain specting the islands much farther. satisfaction, state the labor of the slaves to be can and ought to It is within the power of the colo- moderate, and the West India system to be well be removed by nists, and it is then their indispensa- calculated to promote the domestic happiness of ble duty to apply themselves to the the slaves. They add, "that proprietors are not correction of those various abuses by which pop-compelled by law to allow their slaves any part ulation is restrained. The most important con- of the six working days of the week for themsequences may be expected to attend colonial selves, but that it is the general practice to alregulations for this purpose. With the improve-low them one afternoon in every week out of ment of internal population, the condition of ev-crop-time; which, with such hours as they choose ery negro will improve also; his liberty will to work on Sundays, is time amply sufficient for advance, or, at least, he will be approaching to their own purposes.' Now, therefore, will the a state of liberty. Nor can you increase the negroes, or I may rather say, do the negroes happiness, or extend the freedom of the negro, work for their own emolument? I beg the comwithout adding in an equal degree to the safe-mittee's attention to this point. The Assembly ty of the islands, and of all their inhabitants. Thus, sir, in the place of slaves, who naturally have an interest directly opposite to that of their masters, and are therefore viewed by them with an eye of constant suspicion, you will create a body of valuable citizens and subjects, forming a part of the same community, having a common interest with their superiors in the security and prosperity of the whole.

Mr. Pitt's peculiar dexterity in reply is here shown, in the ease with which he extricates himself from this dilemma and turns it upon his oppopent in the next paragraph

of Grenada proceeds to state-I have their own words for it, "that though the negroes are allowed the afternoons of only one day in every week, they will do as much work in that after. noon, when employed for their own benefit, as in the whole day when employed in their master's service."

argument for

Now, sir, I will desire you to burn all my cal culations; to disbelieve, if you please, This a decisive every word I have said on the present moving ther state of population; nay, I will admit, condition. for the sake of argument, that the numbers are decreasing, and the productive labor at present

insufficient for the cultivation of those countries; | and I will then ask, whether the increase in the quantity of labor which is reasonably to be expected from the improved condition of the slaves is not, by the admission of the islands themselves, by their admission not merely of an argument but a fact, far more than sufficient to counterbalance any decrease which can be rationally apprehended from a defective state of their population? Why, sir, a negro, if he works for himself, and not for a master, will do double work! This is their own account. If you will believe the planters, if you will believe the Legislature of the islands, the productive labor of the colonies would, in case the negroes worked as free laborers instead of slaves, be literally doubled. Half the present laborers, on this supposition, would suffice for the whole cultivation of our islands on the present scale! I therefore confidently ask the House, whether, in considering the whole of this question, we may not fairly look forward to an improvement in the condition of these unhappy and degraded beings; not only as an event desirable on the ground of humanity and political prudence; but also as a means of increasing, very considerably indeed, even without any increasing population, the productive industry of the islands?

When gentlemen are so nicely balancing the past and future means of cultivating the plantations, let me request them to put this argument into the scale; and the more they consider it, the more will they be satisfied that both the solidity of the principle which I have stated, and the fact which I have just quoted, in the very words of the Colonial Legislature, will bear me out in every inference I have drawn. I think they will perceive, also, that it is the undeniable duty of this House, on the grounds of true policy, immediately to sanction and carry into effect that system which insures these important advantages; in addition to all those other inestimable blessings which follow in their train.

If, therefore, the argument of expediency, as Expediency de applying to the West India islands, is mands this im the test by which this question is to provement be tried, I trust I have now established this proposition, namely, that whatever tends most speedily and effectually to meliorate the condition of the slaves, is undoubtedly, on the ground of expediency, leaving justice out of the question, the main object to be pursued.

demands a sup

That the immediate abolition of the slave And therefore trade will most eminently have this pression of the effect, and that it is the only measure slave trade. from which this effect can in any considerable degree be expected, are points to which I shall presently come; but before I enter upon them, let me notice one or two farther circum

stances.

ations leading to the same conclusion.

soning.

chase of new

negroes from

impoverish the

Writers well versed in this subject have even advised that, in order to re- (4) The purmove the temptation which the slave trade offers to expend large sums in slavers tends to this injudicious way, the door of im- planters. portation should be shut. This very plan we now propose, the mischief of which is represented to be so great as to outweigh so many other momentous considerations, has actually been recommended by some of the best authorities, as one highly requisite to be adopted on the very principle of advantage to the islands; not merely on that principle of general and political advantage on which I have already touched, but for the advantage of the very individuals who would otherwise be most forward in purchasing slaves. On the part of the West Indies it is urged, "the planters are in debt: they are already distressed; if you stop the slave trade, they will be ruined." Mr. Long, the celebrated historian of Jamaica, recommends the stopping of importations, as a receipt for enabling the plantations which are embarrassed to get out of debt. I will quote his words. Speaking of the usurious terms on which money is often borrowed for the purchase of fresh slaves, he advises "the laying a duty equal to a prohibition on all negroes imported for the space of four or five years, except for re-exportation." "Such a law," he proceeds to say, would be attended with the following good consequences. It would put an immediate stop to these extortions. It would enable the planter to retrieve his affairs by preventing him from running in debt, either by renting or purchasing of negroes. It would render such recruits less necessary, by the redoubled care he would be obliged to take of his present stock, the preservation of their lives and health. And, lastly, it would raise the value of negroes in the island. A North American province, by this prohibition alone for a few years, from being deeply plunged in debt, has become independent, rich, and flourishing." On this authority of Mr. Long I rest the question, whether the prohibition of further importations is that rash, impolitic, and completely ruinous measure, which it is so confidently declared to be with respect to our West India plantations.

66

Indemnification

the case must

out.

I do not, however, mean, in thus treating this branch of the subject, absolutely to exclude the question of indemnifica- not refused, but tion on the supposition of possible dis- be clearly made advantages affecting the West Indies through the abolition of the slave trade. But when gentlemen set up a claim of compensation merely on those general allegations, which are all that I have yet heard from them, I can only answer, let them produce their case in a distinct and specific form; and if upon any practicable or reasonable grounds it shall claim consideration, it will then be time enough for Parliament to decide upon it.

We are told, and by respectable and well-inOther consider. formed persons, that the purchase of new negroes has been injurious in- I now come to another circumstance of great stead of profitable to the planters weight, connected with this part of the question. themselves; so large a proportion of these un- mean the danger to which the islands are e uppy wretches being found to perish in the sea-posed from those negroes who are newly m