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could have deceived me. When I was entreating them not to cast out so many of their brethren through the nation, he turned to the rest of the reverend bishops, and said, 'He will not say in the kingdom, lest he own a king.' This was all I ever heard that worthy prelate say. I told him with grief, that half the charity which became so grave a bishop, might have helped him to a better exposition of the word nation."

"Bishop Reynolds spake much the first day, for bringing them to abatements and moderation; and afterwards he sat with them, and spake now and then a word for moderation. He was a solid, honest man, but through mildness and excess of timorous reverence for great men, altogether unfit to contend with them.

"Mr. Thorndike spake once a few impertinent, passionate words, confuting the opinion which we had received of him from his first writings, and confirming that which his second and last writings had given us of him. Dr. Earle, Dr. Heylin, and Dr. Barwick, never came. Dr. Hacket, since bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, said nothing to make us know any thing of him. Dr. Sparrow said but little, but that little was with spirit enough for the imposing dividing cause.

"Dr. Pierce and Dr. Gunning did all their work, beside Bishop Morley's discourses, but with great difference in the manner. Dr. Pierce was their true logician and disputant, without whom, as far as I could discern, we should have had nothing from them, but Dr. Gunning's passionate invectives, mixed with some argumentations. He disputed accurately, soberly, and calmly, being but once in any passion; breeding in us great respect for him, and a persuasion that if he had been independent, he would have been for peace, and that if all had been in his power, it would have gone well. He was the strength and honor of that cause which we doubted whether he heartily maintained. He was their forwardest and greatest speaker; understanding well what belonged to a disputant; a man of greater study and industry than any of them; well read in fathers and councils, and of a ready tongue; I hear, and believe, of very temperate life also, as to all carnal excesses whatsoever; but so vehement for his high, imposing principles, and so over zealous for Arminianism, and formality, and church pomp; and so very eager and fervent in his discourse, that I conceive his prejudice and passion much perverted his judgment. I am sure, they made him lamentably overrun himself in his discourses. Of Dr. Peirce I will say no more, because he hath said so much of me.d

(c) Life, part ii. p. 284.

(d) Jeremy Taylor says in one of his letters, "It is no wonder that Baxter undervalues the gentry of England. You know what spirit he is of, but I suppose he has met with his match: for Mr. Peris (Peirce) hath attacked him; and they are joined in the lists."-Heber's Life of Taylor, p. 88.

"On our part, Dr. Bates spake very solidly, judiciously, and pertinently, when he spake. As for myself, the reason why I spake so much was, because it was the desire of my brethren, and I was loth to expose them to the hatred of the bishops; but was willing to take it all upon myself, they themselves having so much wit as to be therein more sparing and cautious than I. I thought also that the day and cause commanded me those two things, which then were objected to me as my crimes, viz., speaking too boldly and too long. I thought it a cause that I could comfortably suffer for, and should as willingly be a martyr for charity as for faith."

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Thus ended the Savoy conference, the last of those attempts to reconcile churchmen and dissenters, in which the court and the authorities in the church took any active part. The issue might have been foreseen at the beginning, from the disposition of the leading Episcopal commissioners, and from the conduct of Sheldon at the very first meeting; beside what was known of the prevailing feelings of the court and the whole royal party. Burnet says, with considerable justice, "The two men that had the chief management of the debate, were the most unfit to heal matters, and the fittest to widen them that could have been found out. Baxter was the opponent, and Gunning was the respondent, who was afterwards advanced, first to Chichester, and then to Ely. He was a man of great reading, and noted for a special subtlety of arguing. All the arts of sophistry were made use of by him on all occasions, in as confident a manner as if they had been sound reasoning. Baxter and he spent some days in much logical arguing, to the diversion of the town, who thought here were a couple of fencers engaged in disputes, that could never be brought to an end, or have any good effect." f

The affair having thus ended in a kind of farce, and the ministers having totally failed, as they conceived, in the great object of the conference, they drew up a correct account of the whole affair, and presented it to the king in the form of a petition. It was written by Baxter, with a few alterations and amendments, was at last laid before his majesty, with a fair copy of all the papers, by Dr. Manton, Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Bates, and Mr. Bax ter. It gives a short history of the conference, and its unsuccessful issue, and concludes by praying that the benefits of the king's declaration might be continued to the people, and that the additions promised in it might be bestowed. It does not appear that Charles said any thing particular at the winding up of the affair. He parted with the ministers civilly, but with a full de

(e) Life, part ii. pp. 363, 364.

(f) Burnet's 'Own Times,' vol. i. pp. 283, 284.
(g) Life, part ii. pp. 366-368.

termination to pursue such measures, as, to adopt the expression of his grandfather respecting the Puritans, would "drive them out of the kingdom, or do worse." The failure offers one of many illustrations of the folly of attempting to reconcile the principles of this world, with the laws and government of the kingdom of Christ. It is true, in regard to such transactions as the Savoy conference, as well as of other things, "that no man can

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After the failure of the negotiation, the great object of the ministers was, if possible, to get parliament to pass the king's declaration into a law, without which it would be of no permanent force or obligation; and for a time, their expectations were encouraged by the lord chancellor. But when it came to the trial, their hopes all failed them; and the conformity imposed, was made ten times more burdensome than it was before. For beside that the convocation had made the Common Prayer-book more grievous than ever, the parliament made a new act of conformity, with a new form of subscription, and a new declaration to be made against the obligation of the covenant. So that the king's declaration not only died before it came into execution, and all hopes, treaties, and petitions, were not only disappointed, but a weight more grievous than a thousand ceremonies was added to the old conformity, with a heavy penalty."

(h) Although the Episcopal commissioners would concede nothing to the Nonconformists for the sake of peace, they soon after held a meeting by themselves, for the purpose of preparing certain alterations in the 'Book of Common Prayer, which they agreed to lay before the next convocation. It assembled on the 8th of May, 1661, and agreed to some alterations and additions. They began with the office for the king's birth and return, which was brought in on the 16th of May, being their second session. On the 18th of May, their third session, they proceeded to the office of baptism for those of riper years. By December 20th, the book was completed and subscribed by the members of both houses.

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"The principal alterations which were made in this version, were the following. Several lessons in the calendar were changed for others more proper for the days. The prayers upon particular occasions, were disjoined from the liturgy. The prayers for the parliament, that for all conditions of men, and the general thanksgiving, were added; several of the collects were altered; the epistles and gospels were taken out of the last translation of the Bible, they having been read before, according to the old. The office of baptism for those of riper years, the forms of prayer to be used at the form for the martyrdom of King Charles, and that for the king's return, or, as it is now called, the restoration of the royal family were added. The book did not go to press till some time after it was subscribed, the Act of Uniformity for enacting it into a law taking up a considerable time."-Nichol's Preface to the Book of Common Prayer, p. 10. In all these alterations, it is very clear the clergy took special care that no attention should be shown to the feelings or prejudices of the Nonconformists. This writer has forgotten to state that, among the other improvements made by this convocation on the Prayer Book,' the story of Bell and the Dragon' was added to the lessons taken from the Apocrypha!

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CHAPTER VIII. 1661-1665.

Baxter endeavors to gain possession of Kidderminster-The King and Clarendon favorable to it-Defeated by Sir Ralph Clare aud Bishop Morley-Conduct of Sir Ralph Clare to the People of Kidderminster-Baxter's spirited Remonstrance-Insurrection of the Fifth Monarchy Men-Baxter's Preaching in London-Obtains a License from the Archbishop of Canterbury-Attempts to negociate with the Vicar of Kidderminster-Treatment of the People by the Bishop and Clergy-Baxter entirely separated from KidderminsterTakes leave of the Church-Act of Uniformity-Its Injustice, Impolicy, and Cruelty-Its injurious Effects-Baxter's Marriage-Declaration of Indulgence-Death and Character of Ash-Nelson-Hardships of the Nonconformists-Death of Archbishop Juxon-Succeeded by Sheldon-Act against Private Meetings-Sufferings of the People-Baxter retires to Acton-Works written or published by him during this period-CorrespondenceOccasional Communion-Consulted by Ashley-Concluding Memorials of the year 1665.

In the preceding chapter, an account has been given of all the public transactions in which Baxter was engaged from the period of the restoration to the termination of the Savoy conference. His more private or personal affairs now require our attention. In his letter to lord Clarendon, declining the bishopric of Hereford, the reader will have observed that he prefers a request of a very humble nature respecting Kidderminster; that if his lordship would bestow some prebendal place on Mr. Dance, the vicar, it would enable him to return to his old and favorite sphere of employment. The following narrative brings before us the failure of this application, and, in consequence, his entire separation from Kidderminster.

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"When I had refused a bishopric, I did it from such reasons as offended not the lord chancellor; and, therefore, instead of it, I presumed to crave his favor to restore me to preach to my people at Kidderminster again, from whence I had been cast out, when many hundreds of others were ejected, upon toration of all those who had been sequestered. It was but a vicarage, and the vicar was a poor, unlearned, ignorant, silly reader, who little understood what Christianity, and the articles of his creed, did signify. Once a quarter he said something which he called a sermon, which made him the pity or the laughter of the people. This man, being unable to preach himself, kept always a curate under him for that purpose. Before the wars, I had preached there only as a lecturer, and he was bound to pay me sixty pounds per annum; my people were so dear to me, and I to them, that I would have been with them upon the lowest lawful terms. Some laughed at me for refusing a bishopric, and petitioning to be a reading vicar's curate; but I had little hopes of so good a condition, at least for any considerable time.

"The ruler of the vicar and all the business, was Sir Ralph Clare; an old man, and an old courtier, who carried it towards me, all the time I was there, with great civility and respect, and

sent me a purse of money when I went away, which I refused. But his zeal against all who scrupled ceremonies, or who would not preach for prelacy and conformity, was so much greater than his respect for me, that he was the principal cause of my removal. I suppose he thought that when I was far enough off, he could so far rule the town, as to reduce the people to his way. But he and others of that temper little knew, how firm conscientious men are to the matters of their everlasting interest, and how little men's authority can do against the authority of God, with those that are unfeignedly subject to him. Openly, he seemed to be for my return at first, that he might not offend the people; and the lord chancellor seemed very forward in it, and all the difficulty was, how to provide some other place for the old vicar, Mr. Dance, that he might be no loser by the change. It was so contrived, that all must seem forward in it except the vicar. The king himself must be engaged in it; the lord chancellor earnestly presseth it; Sir Ralph is willing and very desirous of it; and the vicar is willing, if he may but be recompensed with as good a place, from which I had received but ninety pounds per annum. Either all desire it, or none desire it. But the hinderance was, that among all the livings and prebendaries of England, there was none fit for the poor vicar. A prebend he must not have, because he was incompetent, and yet he is still thought competent to be the pastor of near 4,000 souls! The lord chancellor, to make the business certain, engages himself for a valuable stipend to the vicar, and his own steward shall be commanded to pay it for him. What could he desire more? But the poor vicar was to answer him that this was no security to him; his lordship might withhold that stipend at his pleasure, and then where was his maintenance? Give him but a legal title to any thing of equal value, and he would resign. The patron also was my sure and intimate friend. But no such thing was to be had, and so Mr. Dance must keep his place.

"Though I requested not any preferment but this, yet even for this I resolved I would never be importunate. I only nominated it as the favor which I desired, when their offers in general invited me to ask more; and then I told them, that if it were any way inconvenient to them, I would not request it. Even at the very first I desired, that if they thought it best for the vicar to keep his place, I was willing to take the lecture, which, by his bond, was secured to me, and was still my right; or if that were

(i) Sir Ralph Clare, of Caldwell, of whom Baxter gives this curious account, was an eminent royalist. He spent a great part of his fortune in the cause of Charles II. Being taken prisoner at the battle of Worcester, he remained a long time in confinement, till released, probably by Baxter's influence, by Major-General Berry coming in to command in the county. It appears, from various parts of Baxter's narrative, that the old knight was a great thorn in his side. In Nash's 'History of Worcestershire,' portraits of Baxter and Sir Ralph are given in one page.—Vol. ii. p. 44.

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