an abundance of mucilage, yet it possesses a much greater proportion of saccharine also. It is with justice that he considers "sweet" as the basis of vinous fermentation; for it is very certain, that the vinosity of any liquor, (the fermentation &c. being equal) will be in proportion to the quantity of the original base which it possesses. I may therefore be allowed to doubt whether the instrument alluded to, be capable of that extent of application which is attributed to it, aud whether the value of the three sweets he has mentioned be correct. I would be very far from being understood as intending to depreciate the meri.s of the instrument. know its value too well. But though it will answer every useful purpose to a brewer, where the extract is from malt alone, yet philosophical precision requires it to be stated, that the one which is generally used Cannot with any very great propriety of term be called a "Sacharometer." If in a solution of sweets it can only indicate about one third of the value, we may ask what becomes of the remaining two thirds? Are they evaporated? Or do they remain in the liquor, enriching its quality, though in such

I

a rare elastic form as to elude the test of the

subsist, but with the use of materials, the natural tendency of which is to bring on debility and disease! The evil has of late been considerably increasing, and calls for some effort to avert its baleful effects. I am glad of the testimony that has been borne by this gentleman on the subject, and only regret that in a paper of so much merit any opinion should be advanced that will not bear the test of rigid examination.--To you, Mr. Cobbett, I owe an apology for the length of this letter, but when I say, that the subject has some considerable importance attached to it, in a chemical, as well as political and economical point of view; I trust that such a consideration will be deemed a sufficient one, both to yourself and your readers, from Sir, yours, &c.CANDIDUS.Malton, 15th Nov. 1808.

RIGHT OF PETITION.
LETTER I.

SIR-Your late letter to the freeholders of Hampshire, inserted in your Register of the 29th of last month, is sufficient to excite the vigilance, and arouse the ardour of every British subject, You have with great propriety and equal force exposed the

bly be doubted. Mr. Reynoldson somewhere speaks of a friend of his (I think a Mr. Bent) having a method of separating the mucilaginous from the saccharide parts

of a wort.

Could such a method be generally adopted, we then might have some certain data, from which we might fix a scale for the valuation of any extract. The penalty on the use of either sugar or molasses in the brewery is too serious to risk the actual employment of them, though were the circuinstances of the times to make a revision of the act expedient, I think that they might be partially used to advantage. I say partially, because, if used in too great a proportion they would destroy the chasacteristic taste and quality of the beer itself. The principal obstacle to their use would be in the want of a proper apparatus for estimating their value. Could that be effected, I should have little doubt but a fair comparison would evince an advantage of 40 per cent in a limited use of them, instead of a loss of 20 per cent according to the estimate of the Hampshire Brewer. And so far from deteriorating the beer, they would contribute to its excellence, and be a means of remedying the défects of beer brewed from inferior and ordinary malts But on the use of every narcotic drug, let just censure fall in due vengeance; and the trade perish, that cannot

of the ministry against a full inquiry into the Convention of Cintra. The Answer to the Petition and Address of the city of Lon don, could not, in such a discussion, escape your censure. In fact, that memorable and unprecedented Answer appears to me a most dangerous attack, made by the servants of the crown, on one of the most valuable rights and privileges of the people of England; a privilege, which was de manded and established at the Revolution, and which eminently distinguishes this country from the enslaved nations of the continent of Europe. The ministers will doubiless deny the justice of the imputation ; but let us attend not to their professions, but to their acts. A respectful, but firm address is presented to the crown, by the first city of the empire, praying that a full and efficient inquiry be made into a transaction, which, in the opinion of the pe titioners, stains with indelible disgrace the name of Britain; they prejudge no individual; they desire only that guilt may be investigated and punished in a fair and con stitutional manner. In these sentiments and views they are supported by the una nimous voice and ardent wish of the whole

empire. To this just and rational application, what is the answer given by the servants of the crown? For to then exclusively belongs the odium of this uncon

stitutional transaction. They read to the petitioners a lecture on the first elements of British justice, as if a modest pétition for inquiry were an open violation of its principles; they refer to some recent instances, to prove the general willingness of his majesty to institute inquiries, though it is notorious, that these instances never satisfied the wishes of the country; they acknowledge the disappointment of the hopes of the nation, on the subject of the petition, but they loudly declare that the interposition of the city of London is wholly unnecessary in this critical conjuncture of affairs. The answer in plain English amounts to this: "However culpable our commanders by sea or land may be; however disastrous the situation of our affairs; what degree of guilt may exist in the management of our concerns; the good citizens of London, and consequently the people of England, have nothing to do but to remain quiet, patiently to pay their taxes, and leave these higher concerns to the wisdom of the king's ministers, without troubling his majesty with their complaints."-This, Sir, is the real substance of their answer; a fair commentary on a most ungracious, harsh, and repulsive text. In the records of ministerial pride, I have never found such an answer to a modest petition. Napoleon would not have ventured to insult his good people of Paris in so pointed a manner. The public will judge, whether such language, dictated by the servants of the crown, be not injudicious in the extreme to the valuable Right of Petition, secured to us by the wisdom and steadiness of our ancestors at the era of the Revolution. A wicked and unprincipled minister, who openly invades our liberties, becomes much less dangerous, than he, who silently and imperceptibly gains ground by thwarting us in the exercise of our rights. We are naturally on our guard against the open machinations of the former; but against the secret designs of the latter, what can secure us? What am I benefited by the frequent panegyrics of Lord Hawkesbury on the glorious Revolution, if, amidst all this ostentatious display of patriotism, I am to be robbed by him and his associates of one of the most useful privileges secured by that event? Or at least if I cannot resort to the exercise of it without experiencing the most poignant insult? Where would be the advantage of the grand palladium of personal liberty, if the judge were to tell the prisoner on his application for a writ of habeas-corpus, to remain quiet in prison and leave his case to the

discretion of the court? And, Sir, to what does this boasted Right of Petition amount, if the subject cannot carry his complaints to the foot of the throne, without being dismissed with contempt and disdain? If on an occasion, the most important to the honour of the country, that has occurred in the military annals of Britain, an humble petition from the first city of the empire has been thus treated with scorn, what is to be the fate of addresses, on subjects of less consequence, and if suing from quarters less respectable ?-Our attention, by the extraordinary conduct of the ministry, is now transferred from the Convention of Cintra to the preservation of the rights and liberties of Britain. The truth is, this country is verging by rapid strides to despotism; and it becomes the duty of every man, who values the birthrights of an Englishman, to use his utmost efforts to prevent farther encroachments. The only method, that can be pursued for this purpose, is loudly and unanimously to call for full, effectual, and parliamentary in quiry, not only into the Convention of Cintra, but into the conduct of those who were the advisers of this singular Answer to the Petition of the city of Lon don. The cry of "NO ENEMIES TO THE RIGHT OF PETITION!" should resound from one corner of the empire to the other. Our ancestors dethroned a sovereign for invading our rights; their de scendants cannot do less than dismiss and degrade an administration, who have evideatly attempted to abridge and render nugatory what was then claimed, demanded, and established. In supporting the cause of this great city, we shall contribute to the security of our glorious constitution; and we shall afford a lesson to all future ministers, however fortunate, not to deviate from a constitutional course in the tide of prosperity, but to remember, that there are rocks, on which, whoever splits, must inevitably perish. - POLITIAN. London, 12th Nov. 1808.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. ENGLISH COMMERCE WITH SPAIN.-Let ter of Admiral Morla to Mr. Duff. The supreme junta of Seville declared to me, under date of the 13th instant, as fol lows:-"Most excellent Sir,-The supreme junta of Seville is adopting measures for forming a regulation, under which English commodities are for the present to be im ported in the country, on which subject your excellency presented a note to the said jun ta, under date of the 3d inst. in answer to

which the said junta has resolved to declare to your excellency, that with regard to the vessels which have already arrived, they leave it entirely to your own judgment to determine in your wisdom and prudence what duty they ought to pay, the junta being desirous to testify to the English nation the high sense they entertain of their friendship and generous support.-In pursuance of the order received, I have this day communicated the following instructions to the director general of the customs: -Authorised by au order of the supreme junta of the 13th current, touching the importation of English goods, hitherto prohibited to be imported into this country, and the duty payable on goods of the like description, found on board of such ships of the said nation as are at present in the Bay, I have determined after having heard the opinion of their lordships with regard to the duty payable on the same, that they are to pay 15 per cent. royal customs; 5 per cent. if destined for inland consumption; and all the other duty payable on foreign goods, the importation of which is permitted, the shipment of the said goods for our possessions in America, being of course free and unprohibited, since, in this respect, they ought to be considered as free goods, on paymnt of 7 per cept. ad valorem, the

proper officer adhering strictly to the ordinances issued on this subject. You will attend to the execution of the present order, and make it known to the trade through the competent board, with this proviso, that clothes made up, articles of wood, or any other material perfectly finished, are not to be imported on any consideration whatever.. - inform you of the premises for your own information, and for the direction of the individuals of your nation, that they may form a correct opinion of the high estimation in which the Spanish government holds the worthy subjects of his Britannic majesty, and perceive how anxiously that government desires to give proofs of its gratitude for their faithful alliance. God preserve you many years.THOMAS DE MORLA.—AS in the order which I communicated to you under date of the 16th instant, the supreme junta of Seville says only, that it is adopting measures for making regulation with regard to the importation of English commodities, which hitherto it was not lawful to import, it is not in my power to form any other determination, but with regard to goods of the above description, which are found on board of ships actually arrived in the Bay, and you must therefore apply to the supreme junta, for instruction, how far the same fa

vour is to be extended to such ships as shall arrive in fature, since it is not for me, as you desire in your last report, to decide that point.-God preserve you many years.THOMAS DE MORLA.-Cadiz, Sept. 19.

AMERICAN EMBARGO.-Petition of the Subscribers, Officers of Merchant Ships, belonging to the Port of Philadelphia: to the President of the United States. Respectfully sheweth, that, in consequence of the present embargo laws, the situation of yur petitioners is grievous and afflicting'; that they have been engaged in the mercantile service since their infancy, with few exceptions, and accustomed only to conduct ships or vessels across the ocean; that, from the operation of the present restrictive laws, they find themselves cut off from their usual employments, and, of course, the means of subsistence are gone.-Your petitioners are well acquainted with the du ties of conducting ships from port to port, well versed in naval tactics, but unable to handle the harrow or the plough --Your petitioners have for a long time bone, with patience, the privations incident to those restrictive laws, without murmur or complaint; but, when imperious necessity compels them to disclose the cause of their grievances, they humbly suppose they have a right so to do in a decent and respectful manner. Your petitioners therefore pray, that your excellency will take their case into consideration, and adopt such measures as may relieve the wants of your petitioners; or, if there are vacancies in the uavy, to give your petitioners, or some of them, an opportunity of serving therein; as they think themselves capable of performing services of that nature. They, however, submit their whole cause to your consideration,. hoping your excellency will adopt such measures as wisdom and justice may point out, and as in duty bound will pray, &c.Philadelphia, August 10, 1808.

President's Answer.

Sirs, In answer to the petition which you delivered me from the officers in merchants vessels belonging to Philadelphia, I must premise my sincere regret at the sacrifices which our fellow-citizens in general, and the petitioners in particular, have been obliged to meet by the circumstances of the times. We live in an age of affliction, to which the history of nations presents no parellel-we have for years been looking on Europe, covered with blood and violence, and seen rapine spreading itself over the ocean. On this element it has reached us,

and at length in so serious a degree, that the legislature of the nation has thought it necessary to withdraw our citizens and property from it, either to avoid or to prepare for engaging in the general contest. But for this timely precaution, the petitioners and their property might now have been in the hands of spoilers, who have laid aside all regard to moral right. Withdrawing from the greater evil, a lesser one has been necessarily encountered, and certainly, could the legislature have made provision against this also, I should have had great pleasure, as the instrument of its execution, but it was it impracticable, by any general and just rules, to prescribe in every case the best resource against the inconveniences of this new situation. The difficulties of the crisis will certainly fall with greater pressure on some description of citizens than others, and on none perhaps with greater than on our seafaring brethren. Should any means of alleviation occur within the range of my duties, I shall with certainty advert to the situation of the petitioners, and in availing the nation of their services, aid them with a substitute for their former oc cupation. I salute them and yourself with sentiments of sincere regard.-THOS. JEF

FERSON.

BUENOS AYRES.

-Proclamation by Don Santiago Liniers y Bremond, Viceroy, Governor, and Provincial Captain-General of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, &c. Dated Buenos Aures, Aug. 15,1808.

Brave and faithful inhabitants of Buenos Ayres. Since the arrival of the last vessel from Cadiz, bringing advices of the events which have occurred in our mother country, relative to the abdication of the crown, executed by our beloved monarch, Charles IV. and his son Ferdinand VII. and the removal of the whole of the royal family to France, I consider you as anxious to fix your opinion upon a matter in which your loyalty is so deeply interested. This anxiety must have been greatly increased by the arrival of the French agent, who brought over various dispatches for this supreme government. The clamours of the unthinking have reduced your accredited enthusiasm to a state of irresolution. The not immediately declaring to you the object of his mission may, perhaps, have appeared to you a want of confidence very contrary to that which I place in you, and which your patriotism has merited. But whilst you were

emploved in idle conjectures, the fathers of the country, your magistrates, and the chief, who has repeatedly conducted you to glorioas triumphs, were incessantly occupied in devising the best means for maintaining your character, interest, and tranquillity.-From an examination of the contents of all the dispatches, it appears, that the'emperor of the French has been compelled to recognise the absolute independence of the Spanish monarchy, and also that of all its transmarine possessions, without retaining or dismembering the minutest portion of its deminions; and to maintain the unity of religion, our properties, laws, and usages, which guarantee the future prosperity of the nation; and though the fate of the monarchy was not entirely decided, the cortes were summoned to meet at Bayonne on the 15th of June last, whither the deputies of cities, and other persons of all ranks in Spain, were repairing, to the number of one hundred and fifty.-His imperial and royal majesty, after applauding your triumphs and constancy, exhorts you to maintain with energy the high opinion which you have acquired by your va lour and loyalty, offering you at the same tim succours of every description; and I have at hesitated to assure him in reply, that the fidelity of this city to its lawful sovereign the character which chiefly distinguishes and that I shall thankfully admit every scription of aid, consisting of arms, a munition, and Spanish troops. In times 50 calamitous nothing can so much contr bute to your security as union and coincidence of sentiment on a point so inte teresting to the public happiness. Let imitate the example of our ancestors in the happy land, who wisely escaped the disasters that afflicted Spain in the war of the Succession, by awaiting the fate of the mother country, to obey the legitimate autho rity which occupied the sovereignty.-Meanwhile not possessing orders sufficiently au thoritative, to countermand the royal cedu las of the supreme council of the Indies for proclaiming and taking the oaths to Don Ferdinand VII. as already announced in my proclamation of the 31st of July, I have re solved that those measures shall be proceeded in with the forms and solemnities already agreed upon, flattering myself that in the midst of the public rejoicings and happiness we shall prepare ourselves for new triumphs.

(To be continued)

$65]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

COURT OF INQUIRY.If there can be any such thing as unquestionable pre-eminence in absurdity, it is this thing, now going on at Chelsea. Flinging stones against the wind; eating hasty-pudding with an awl; drinking out of a bottomless pot; singing to the deaf; asking questions of the dumb; exhibiting pictures to the blind; all these, and every other thing that ever was seen, or heard of, yields to this matchless absurdity. A court, destitute of all legal form and authority; the members of which are under no obligation to perform or to abstain from performing any thing; destitute of the power to demand evidence or compel attendance; destitute of the power of putting any question upon oath, of euforcing obedience to any one of its commands, of issuing its censure, and even of pronouncing judgment, in any manner whatever, which, if hostile to the feelings of the party adjudged, would not, according to the present practice, subject it to a criminal prosecution for a libel. Is this the sort of Inquiry, of which the Rev. Edmund Poulter was speaking, when he came forward, at the Hampshire meeting, and, upon the express authority of Mr. Sturges Bourne, assured the people present, that an Inquiry, of the most satis factory description was then actually instituted? Is this the sort of Inquiry, to which the king was advised to allude, and which the partizans of the ministry, asserted to have been promised, in the king's famous and never-to-be-forgotten Answer to the city of London ? Is this the sort of Inquiry that will, or that can, satisfy the indignant nation? Be it remembered, that the king, in the answer which he was so ill-advised as to make to the city of London, referred them to recent occurrences, as a proof of his being, at all times, ready to institute Inquiries, in cases where the interests of the nation and the honour of his arms were concerned.

What were those occurrences? Why, the trials of Sir Robert Calder and of General Whitelocke, though, I hope, the former will excuse me for naming them in

[866 the same sentence. But; observe, there was, in neither of those cases, a " Court of

Inquiry." The former, though he had, with an inferior force, beat the enemy and taken two of their ships, was sent, like the latter, who, with a superior force, had been shamefully beaten; the former, like the latter, was sent, at once, to a court martial; a court invested with all the powers appertaining to criminal jurisdiction, not excepting that of sentencing the accused to suffer death. Well, then, these being the recent occurrences manifestly alluded to in the king's Answer, had we not a right to expect, that the men, now accused, would have been tried in a similar way? And can there be a doubt, in the mind of any man, what was the real object, which the minis ters, or part of them at least, had in view, when they advised the king to give such an Answer, and to make, in that Answer, such an allusion?The result of this court will be, the collection and publication of a mass of matter equal in bulk to that of the Old and New Testament; a mass that no man will ever have the patience to read; and a mass, which, I will venture to assert, will, in the minds of the nation, leave the question of guilt, or innocence, just where it now is. Of course, it will leave the complained-of grievance unredressed, and the people, in their different districts, will, if they be not bullied or corrupted into silence, renew their applications to the throne, or to the parliament, or to both, for a legal and rigid Inquiry.In the meanwhile, the public should, it appears to me, seize upon, and treasure up, certain prominent facts that are transpiring at Chelsea, casting aside all that mass of detail, all that insignificant babble, all that miserable small-talk, dignified with the name of evidence, which can possibly be of no other earthly use, than that of bewildering and confusing their minds.—— First then, it appears, supposing Sir Arthur Wellesley now to speak the truth, that all the numerous and positive assertions, made, as will be seen, in part, from my motto, in the Morning Post, and by the friends of Sir Arthur