salaries, arbitrarily fixed, and chargeable on their revenues, without their consent, was an act of the most flagrant injustice, and a violent outrage on all the rights of property.

Clive, with several other civil and military officers, who had been in high stations in India, were frequently interrogated, and under went the strictest examination in that committee, relative to the fo reign affairs, and conduct of the Company abroad. These enqui ries took in a period of many years, from the beginning of the war, which brought about the revolution in Bengal, in the year 1756, to the present time.

The appointment of executive officers in parliament, was highly condemned, as unconstitutional, most pernicious in its example, productive of faction and intrigue, and calculated for extending a corrupt influence in the crown; as freeing ministers from all responsibility, whilst it leaves them all the effects of patronage; thereby defeating the wise design of the constitution, which placed the nomination of all officers, either immediately, or derivatively, in the crown, whilst it committed the check upon improper nominations to parliament, and by confounding those powers which it meant to keep separate, has destroyed this necessary control, along with every wise provision of the laws, to prevent abuses in the nomination to or exercise of office. Similar objections were made to other parts of this bill. The appointment of judges and a new court of justice was not so much debated in either House, as other parts of the regulating bill, except upon fixing the nomination in the crown. In the preceding year, the Company itself had formed a plan for courts of justice, little differing from that adopted by government.

Thus this memorable revolution was accomplished. From that time, the Company is to be considered as wholly in the hands of the ministers

of the crown.

During the long enquiries which had been continually carried on, by the Select Committee, Lord

The severest strictures were passed in some of the reports of the committees, upon the conduct of many of the gentlemen concerned in those affairs, to which all the past misfortunes and present distresses of the Company were principally attributed. At length, a direct enquiry being resolved on, a report was brought up by the chairman of the select committee, containing charges of the blackest dye, of rapacity, treachery, and cruelty, against those who were principally concerned in the deposal and death of Serajah Dowlah, the signing of a fictitious treaty with one of his agents, the establishment of Meer Jaffier, the terms obtained from him upon that occasion, and the other capital circumstances which led to, or attended, the celebrated revolution of the year 1756; thereby comprehending Lord Clive, and the other chief actors in those transactions.

The chairman, after regretting the particular situation, which put him under the disagreeable necessity of entering upon so irksome a subject, and. expatiating largely and very ably upon the nature and extent of the enormities comprised in the charges, proposed the following resolutions, which were

agreed

May 10th. agreed to, viz. That

all acquisitions, made under the influence of a military force, or by treaty with foreign princes, do of right belong to the state. 2. That to appropriate acquisitions so made, to the private emolument of persons entrusted with any civil or military power of the state, is illegal. That very great sums of money, and other valuable property, have been acquired in Bengal, from princes, and others of that country, by persons entrusted with the military and civil powers of the state, by means of such powers; which sums of money and valuable property, have been appropriated to the private use of such persons.

The gentleman who moved the resolutions, declared that he would not stop there, that he would prosecute the subject with the utmost vigour, and that restitution to the public was the great object of his pursuit. Though these resolutions, in their tendency, might have endangered the fortunes of most of those who acquired them in India, and might have established a precedent, equally fatal to private security, and to the military service; yet so strong was the indignation excited by the enormities in India, and so pleasing the ideas of establishing our character of national justice by punishing delinquents, and above all of obtaining restitution to the public, that they were carried through with great rapidity and it seems probable, that, while the tide continued in its full strength, if others had been proposed, they would have been attended with equal success.

Upon cooler reflection, however, a closer view of the subject,

and greater attention to its conse

quences, it was productive of great debates, and occasioned some very late nights. The nobleman who was accused gave a general account of his conduct, the several parts of which he vindicated with great ability; and shewed the critical necessity that prevailed in certain situations, where the English power and fortune in Asia depended solely upon rapid, well-timed, and extraordinary measures. Most people pitied his present deplorable situation, who, after the great and undeniable services he had rendered to the state and to the Company, the public and honourable testimonials of them, which he had received from both, and the quiet possession which he had so long held of his great fortune, was to have that and his honour put to the hazard, by a strict and severe retrospect, into transactions which had happened so many years before, that they were now become a fitter subject for history than juridicial enquiry.

On the other hand, those who pushed the prosecution, asserted, that for criminal matters there was no limitation of time. That the charge must proceed according to the offence. That the idea of a set-off of services against offences was trivial and illegal. That their former resolutions against those who had embezzled the of money the state, and who had plundered princes in alliance, would be a gross mockery, if the guilty were suffered to escape. That Lord Clive was the oldest, if not the principal delinquent, and had set an evil example to all the rest. To punish those that followed, and not those who set the example, would

be

A period was at length put to this tedious session, during a great part of which, there seemed to be no business to attend to, and mat ters of the greatest national and constitutional importance were brought on, when the season for all business seemed to be over. In the speech from the July 1st. throne, much satisfaction was expressed at the zeal, assiduity, and perseverance, with which they had applied themselves to the very important business, which had been recommended at the opening of the session; and it was fully hoped, that the laws which were the result of their deliberations, would answer the salutary purposes for which they were intended. The continuance of the

war between Russia and the Porte was regretted; a close friendship with both acknowledged, but no engagement to either. It was hoped, from the pacific disposition of other powers, that those troubles would extend no farther; and the usual professions were made, of endeavouring to preserve the general tranquillity, so far as it could be done with consistency. After returning thanks for the supplies, much pleasure was expressed, that, notwithstanding the ample provision which had been made for every branch of the public service, and the effectual relief and support which had been afforded to the East-India Company, they had been able to make some progress in re ducing the national debt.