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Paris.

ART. XI.-1. Extrait des Mémoires de M. Le Duc de Rovigo, concernant la Catastrophe de M. le Duc d'Enghien. - 1823. pp 068, it mig ***

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2. Réfutation de l'Ecrit publié par le Duc de Rovigo sur la Catastrophe de M te Duc d'Enghien. Par M. Maquart. Paris. 1823. App. 114em livestenos

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3. Extrait des Mémoires inédits sur la Révolution Française. Par M. Mehée de la Touche. Paris. 1823. pp. 95.

4. Explications offertes aux Hommes impartiaux. Par M. le Comte Hulin. Paris. 1823. pp. 16. ~^ a

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5. Pièces judiciaires et historiques relutives au Procès du Duc mid' Enghien. [By M. Dupin.] Paris. 1823. pp. 72.^

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HE pamphlet which stands first in the above list, and which has given rise to those which follow, and to many more, is the most unaccountable performance which we have ever met with. That M. le Duc de Rovigo should venture, under any circumstance or pretence, to place his name on the same page with that of M. le Duc d'Enghien, would seem a most astonishing effort of assurance; but that he should, without any intelligible object, ,volunteer the re-production of the horrid drama in which he played so infamous a part, seems such perfect insanity, that we were at first inclined to suppose that the intellects of this unhappy man had been disordered by remorse, and that his case was fitter for Bedlam than for a critical exammation. We are hot," on consideration, quite sure that this first impression was not correct, and that Savary's conscience has not a little dePanged his mind; but there is (if he be mad) such a method in his madness, and his statements seem so obviously intended to give colour to the posthumous falselioods which Buonaparte has bequeathed to the world in the pages of Warden, O'Meara and Las Cases, that we think it our duty to lay before our readers some account of the discussion so unexpectedly raised a discussion which has had the effect, not merely of reviving the indignation which all mankind felt at the murder of the Duke d'Enghien, but of dipping Buonaparte and his tool Savary still deeper in the blood of that illustrious victim.

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Supposing, for the argument's sake, Savary not to be mad, he appears to have had three objects in view:

It of this

1. To charge M. de Talleyrand with the chief guilt murder.

92. To absolve Buonaparte from it, and to corroborate the apologies which he dictated to Warden and O'Meara.

13. To exculpate himself.

In each of these points he has not only failed, but he has pro

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duced

duced an effect the direct contrary of what he intended. We shall examine them in their order..

1. As M. de Talleyrand was Minister of Foreign Affairs at the period of the prince's seizure on a foreign territory, we were not unprepared to find that he had been aware of it he might have concurred in that seizure without contemplating that it was to be followed by murder-he might have believed the life of the chief of the government which he then served was in danger, and might not be averse to have so important an hostage-or, finally, he might have disapproved the seizure, and yet not have thought the violation of the territory of Baden a sufficient cause for him to resign his employments, and, perhaps, as matters then stood, to risk his own head. Any of these cases are possible; and some of them were so probable that we always, till the publication of Savary's pamphlet, suspected that, to such an extent, M. de Talleyrand might have had the weakness, or been under a necessity, to submit. We certainly never for a moment imagined that he personally dabbled in so atrocious and so wanton a crime. M. Savary, however, fortunately for M. de Talleyrand, is of a different opinion, and, by attempting to fix on him the charge of the murder of the duke, gives us strong reason to doubt that he was involved even in the seizure. In short, M. Savary, as far as he goes, proves the innocence of M. de Talleyrand...

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Why, it may be asked, should Savary endeavour to inculpate M. de Talleyrand? There are two obvious answers the first is, the natural desire of all culprits to attribute their crimes to any body else; and the second is, that the opposition of M. de Talleyrand to Buonaparte's treacherous attack on Spain, and his services towards restoring the legitimate family of France, rendered him particularly odious to Buonaparte et sa queue,*of which Warden, O'Meara, Las Cases, Gourgaud, Montholon and Savary are all joints.

The calumnies against M. de Talleyrand, which Buonaparte dictated to Warden and O'Meara, we shall observe upon by and by; here we will only state that the greatest part of them are refuted by Savary's admissions, and the rest by his silence...

It will be readily admitted that he tells all he knows against Talleyrand; we shall show that all is nothing: and if Savary bas proved nothing, we may fairly, we think, conclude there was nothing to be proved.

We shall not repeat the afflicting story itself; our readers will find it in all its most interesting and pathetic details in our Num

The notorious Melée de la Touche (who has written an answer to Savary) published in 1794 a very celebrated pamphlet, called "La queue de Robespierre." We wish some one would now expose with equal success "La queue de Buonaparte.".

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ber for July, 1817, pp. 522-630; we shall only refer to it as far as may be necessary for our examination of Savary's tissue of falsehood. A aj to r

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If the occasion were not so grave, and the subject so melancholy, we should smile at the kind of proof which Savary brings against Talleyrand. The first is an attempt at a syllogism. Talleyrand was Minister for Foreign Affairs. The Prince was to be seized in a foreign state, therefore it was Mi de Talleyrand's province to have managed the affair. This, though not strictly logical, is plausible enough for such a reasoner as M. Savary-but why should he only hint at this? Why, if such were the fact, does he not say so? He could not be ignorant of the truth; for, be sides the general confidence which Buonaparte placed in him, Savary was at this time the head of his secret police, and was especially employed in unravelling the thread of that conspiracy which was made the excuse for the Duke's murder. If he could have stated the fact, no doubt he would; and not venturing upon that, he has attempted a lie by implication. But the very next page contradicts that implication; for although the affair might have been within the natural management of the foreign department, it is admitted that the foreign department was not entrusted with the execution of one tittle of the transaction. person, of a noble aspect,' says Savary, was seen by the spies of the police to visit Georges in his lodgings in Paris, who treated him with great respect. Buonaparte, Savary, and the Police, (not a word of the foreign office,) guessed that this mysterious visitor could be no other than the Duke d'Enghien, The privy counsellor Real (and not M. de Talleyrand, or any of his subordinates) was employed to conduct the development of this affair. Real, by Buonaparte's order, applied-not to the Foreign Office, but to the Inspector-General of the gendarmerie, for a confidential officer to send into the territory of Baden, to act as a spy on the prince. This officer proceeds-examines, reports,

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not to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, but-to his own Inspector-General, who reports directly to Buonaparte. On this report, another emissary was sent to seize the duke; and this emissary was to call to his assistance the armed force at Strasburgh. Was this emissary one of the creatures of Talleyrand? No; he was a colonel of grenadiers, aide-de-camp to the First Consul in short, Caulaincourt, Duke of Vicenza! But, it will be asked, had not M. de Talleyrand correspondents at Baden?-was he not charged with the external espionage of the prince? was it not the province of the foreign department to report his various proceedings ?—and did not these reports conduce to his seizure? and is not M. de Talleyrand therefore implicated in it? It would

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be a hard measure to any minister, in any country, to hold him responsible for all that others might do on intelligence conveyed through him; but M. Savary, with the blundering candour of a talkative liar, answers himself on this point also. A special spy was sent to Ettenheim, the prince's residence; therefore the ordinary channels did not afford the information required;—the spy too was a soldier, and sent from the gendarmerie, and therefore had no connection with the foreign department. When the report of this spy reaches Buonaparte, he sends for-Talleyrand? No; —for Real, and asks him, in anger, how it is possible that THE POLICE should not know a word about what was going on at Ettenheim? and on this report, which dispelled the previous ignorance of Buonaparte, as to what passed at Ettenheim, the duke is seized.

This proves two facts; first, that M. de Talleyrand did not make Buonaparte acquainted with what passed at Ettenheim; and secondly, that Buonaparte did not even expect him to do so; for it was of the negligence of the Police, and not of the foreign department, that he complained.

Such is Savary's own story; and better negative evidence against his presumption that the minister for foreign affairs was at all engaged in the affair could hardly be adduced. · But this is not all.— If the Court of Baden had been the Court of Vienna, Buonaparte might have employed diplomacy to prepare or to excuse this violence :-he had no such deference for the Sovereign of Baden.

The margrave, through his minister at Paris, complained at the Tuilleries of this aggression. In giving him satisfaction, he was at the same time ordered to send immediately out of his territory the assem blage of emigrants which had appeared on the banks of the Rhine, no matter under what pretence they were there. The Court of Baden obeyed, and nothing more was said of the seizure of the Duc d'Enghien.—Sar. Men.p. 18.

What Savary may mean by the term ' giving satisfaction" is not easily to be guessed; but we gather from the allusion to the Trilleries that the complaint was made and the answer given by Buonaparte himself. Be this as it may, it is evident that a court, which was ultimately reduced to accept such humiliating satisfaction, did not require any other diplomacy than that of Colonel Caulaincourt and the gendarmerie of Strasburgh.

The next charge against Talleyrand would be ridiculous, if it were not for the malignity which prompts it.

• The consul called me into his closet at Malmaison,' says M. Savary, ́ about five o'clock in the evening, (of the day of the duke's arrival,) and gave me a sealed letter, with directions to carry it to General Murat, the then governor of Paris. I set out on horseback. I arrived at Murat's about six o'clock, and as I entered I passed the minister for foreign

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