shape nor beauty, but of which many parts are in a dilapidated state, and all more or less soiled or decayed; still it is a whole, and connected in all its parts, the foundations are deep-laid, and to the very summit arch rests upon arch. We are now its possessors, and if we desire to preserve while we improve it, we must make ourselves completely masters of the frame of the structure to its minutest ornaments and defects: nor must we remove the smallest stone till another is ready, suited to fill the vacant niche, otherwise we may inadvertently bring a ruin on our own heads and those of others, on the spot where we too eagerly sought to erect a monument of glory.'-vol. ii. pp. 474, 475.

In the government of Central India, so important to the peace of the whole peninsula, we accord entirely with Sir John Malcolm's views of placing there a person of high rank and known talent, as Lieutenant-Governor, with such powers and authorities (under the direction of the superior government) as would enable him to keep the machine in good order to act with decision and promptitude to proceed with calmness and patience in the reform of abuses-to view the habits of ignorance and error with indulgence-and, to use his own words, to exercise a controul which is most efficient when it is least seen, and which, in its operation, makes princes and chiefs regard with reverence and attachment a power that elevates when it has ample means of depressing, and which is so constituted that it can only be conciliated by their good or offended by their evil actions:'-and, as he justly observes, these objects may be attained through the operation of one authority; but they cannot through a multiplicity of agents." The rank and high name of the person by whom power is exercised always mitigates a sense of subjection; and they are peculiarly adapted to gratify the pride and prejudices of the natives of India. But the grand object to be obtained by vesting authority in one high and responsible officer, is the uniform and consistent system of government to be expected from him, and without which we cannot hope to tranquillize the minds of princes trembling for their sovereignty, of chiefs doubtful of continued independence, of the guardians of religion alive for the inviolability of their ancient rites and superstitions, and of all ranks and classes who may dread further encroachment and innovation. We entirely agree with Sir John Malcolm's position, as a first principle of government, that no system can be good that is not thoroughly understood and appreciated by those for whose benefit it is intended;' and that if founded on principles they do not comprehend, requiring forms and usages adverse to their habits and feelings, we shall experience no adequate return of confidence and allegiance.' As we never could have conquered India without the assistance

assistance of the natives, and as by them alone we can hope to preserve it, the policy is obvious of associating ourselves with our subjects; and this, our author contends, may be done without lowering ourselves to their standard, but merely by descending so far from the real or supposed eminence on which we stand, as to induce them to accompany us in the work of improvement. On these principles he acted in Malwa, and there is perhaps no other instance in the history of the human race of so happy a change from a state of absolute misery and desolation, to that of order, tranquillity, and prosperity.

This brings us to the very serious question, how are our increasing territories in India to be governed? Are we, in the administration of justice, to be mostly guided by our own rules, principles and prejudices, or by those of the nations we have conquered? Sir John Malcolm is decidedly in favour of a leaning towards the latter, and gives the preference to the ancient native courts of Punjayet (or jury courts of five or more) to those of Adawlut, established by the Mahomedan invaders. Unfortunately, however, our early conquests were over Mahomedan rulers, and we continued the forms and usages of the courts of justice as we found them; but the Hindoos are universally against these courts, and particularly dislike the vakeels, or lawyers, who are unknown in their own punjayets, where justice rarely fails of being obtained with little or no expense to the parties concerned in litigation. In Central India, owing to the scanty population of Mahomedans, these courts have maintained their ground, and Sir John Malcolm bears testimony to their integrity and wisdom, adding, there was no case of appeal from their decision which did not, on revisal, do credit to them.' The Hindoos in all things are governed by opinion, and it is this which preserves the purity of the punjayet.

'The members of the punjayet are selected by the general suffrage of their fellow-citizens; and whether in the lower or higher ranks, a person, who has once established a reputation for talent and integrity in these courts, is deemed a permanent member. It is a popular distinction, and becomes, therefore, a point of fame. A person is estimated in proportion as he is free from suspicion of being actuated by influence or corruption; and to have fame as a punj is an object of ambition to the poorest inhabitant of the hamlet as well as the highest and wealthiest citizen. To sit upon these courts is conceived a duty which every man is bound to perform. The members receive no pay.' -vol. i. pp. 569, 570.

Perhaps it may be doubtful whether, in Bengal and those parts of India where the Mahomedan sway and population prevailed, the same degree of integrity and impartiality could be expected

from

from courts thus composed; but we are decidedly of opinion that no change ought to be attempted in Central India, where there appears so little ground for complaint.

Indeed Sir John Malcolm deprecates all sudden innovation of any kind; and while a spirit of independence and of rational liberty breathes through every part of his work, he strongly inculcates a kindly regard towards the errors and prejudices of a people who have many good qualities to redeem them. To ameliorate their condition and promote their happiness are unquestionably the surest means of rendering our dominion permanent; and to effect this, experience is certainly preferable to zeal. We should look,' says Sir John, at the errors and revolting usages of parts of these great communities with indulgence and compassion; and, unfettered by that prejudice and self-pride, of which we accuse them, we should give to some of their qualities, habits and institutions, that admiration which they merit.' One of the greatest practical blunders we have yet made in India was the substitution of a plausible theory for ancient usage, in taking the land from the ryots, its rightful owners, and conferring it on the zemindars, the hereditary collectors of the revenue, under the specious pretext of creating a body of country gentlemen, who would improve the property, and secure to the government a permanently fixed rent. The fatal effects of this well-intentioned but ill-advised measure were soon apparent by the ruin of those it was meant to enrich, by the oppression and misery of the ancient occupiers, and the almost total neglect of agriculture.

The wisdom and sound policy of not irritating the Hindoo population by opposing or contemptuously deriding their usages and superstitions, are strongly pointed out in every part of Sir John Malcolm's book. He observes that such as have no foundation but ignorance must, by time and the effect of example, give way; and the natives will be prepared to receive as a blessing what, if too hastily obtruded, they will be too apt to consider as meant for their degradation and ruin; but their improvement, he contends, will necessarily be slow; and must proceed from themselves, influenced by our measures and example, but not thrust upon them. In this spirit he recommends that we should protect and encourage their own schools, which are found in every village. With respect to the character of the schools established by missionaries at and near the presidencies, there are various opinions; but Sir John Malcolm concurs with Mr. Elphinstone in thinking that nothing would be more dangerous than the extension of them into countries just emerging from anarchy, and where the English character is scarcely known.

The Abbé Dubois has just published a short account of the

state

state of Christianity in India. The life and attainments of this missionary singularly qualify him for the subject. He devoted himself for thirty years to the severe duties of his profession. At Mysore he lived as the natives, and with them, and submitted to every restraint and privation; in a word, he adopted the usages and prejudices of the inhabitants, as the early Jesuits were accustomed to do, in order to forward the views of his mission. No man was more respected by all ranks, and classes and castes; even the Brahmins courted his friendship, and the first English officers and residents at Mysore sought his acquaintance, and availed themselves of his superior knowledge and informationand this is his opinion.

'The Hindoos are a people entirely different from all others. You may, if you chuse, exercise over them the most despotic sway; you may oppress them by every kind of tyranny; you may overload them with taxes, and rob them of their property; you may carry away their wives and children, load them with chains, and send them into exile :to all such excesses they will, perhaps, submit; but if you speak of changing any of their principal institutions, either religious or civil, you will find them a quite ungovernable people, never to be overcome on this point; and it is my decided opinion, that the day when government shall presume to interfere in such matters, will be the last of its political existence.'*

The mutiny at Vellore affords a striking example of the truth of the Abbé's observation. The ostensible cause, it is true, was the introduction of some foppery into the dress of the native troops, such as changing the turban for a cap or helmet, and obliterating the mark in the forehead, which, being unnecessary innovations, were, in themselves, sufficiently annoying to a people attached to ancient usages-but they were also considered as the forerunners to a forcible change of their religion, and preparatory to their being made Christians. The government very properly used every means of setting the minds of the Hindoo population at rest on this subject; and though the influx of missionaries created some alarm for a time, the judicious measures of Lord Wellesley, in putting them under regulations and restraint, finally tranquillized the guardians of the ancient faith; since which the missionaries at or near the presidencies are said to be considered by them as perfectly harmless, because, though tolerated, they are not encouraged by the government. Their conversions, as they call them, are confined to the lowest of the population, or to those who, having lost their caste, are glad to resort to any means of obtaining food and fresh connections. If any man could hope to succeed in making converts to the Christian faith,

* Letters on the State of Christianity in India, p. 66.

it was the mild and unpretending Abbé; and what was the amount of his success in five-and-twenty years?-take it in his own words, between two and three hundred converts of both sexes; of whom two-thirds were pariahs, or beggars, and the rest composed of sudras, vagrants and outcasts, who, being without resource, turned Christians for a time, and relapsed when any thing better offered:-and I am verily ashamed,' adds the Abbé, 'that the resolution I have taken to declare the whole truth on this subject, forces me to make the humiliating avowal, that those who continued Christians were the very worst amongst my flock.'

The Roman Catholic ritual would appear to be that of all others best calculated to make an impression, and to gain proselytes. 'It has,' as the Abbé well observes, a poorga, or sacrifice; it has processions, images, statues, tirtan (or holy water), fasts, tittys (or feasts), prayers for the dead, invocation of saints, &c.—all which practices bear more or less resemblance to those in use among the Hindoos.' Yet it failed altogether. What chance of success then have the rash, unconciliating evangelical missionaries, pouring forth, (says the Abbé,) in their blind zeal, anathemas and indiscriminate abuse both of the natives and to the natives? proclaiming, for example, that the men are without honesty, and the women without chastity'-' and that every mother among the tribe of Rajpoots puts her female child to death as soon as born.' In answer to this last slander, the Abbé says, 'I appeal to all the British officers of every battalion serving under the three presidencies, and I boldly defy them to quote a single instance of this horrid kind.'

Nor are their hasty versions of the Scriptures much calculated to raise the sacred writings in the opinion of the Hindoos. The language is low and vulgar, utterly destitute of the majestic simplicity of the original, and of our own excellent translation. A Vakeel attached to one of our corps, having in his possession a copy of these versions, was asked by the colonel what he thought of it? the answer was short.- Very ill written; much I don't understand; some good stories, some bad; a great deal of nonsense.' This opinion was, perhaps, natural enough in a Hindoo: the bad stories were, no doubt, the frequent mention of the sacrifices of heifers; the nonsense was the incorrect language of the translation, together with the reader's limited knowledge and want of preparation for such a subject. So repugnant, indeed, is the slaughter of kine to the feelings of a Hindoo, that a Brahmin would feel himself defiled by having a book in his possession which mentioned it. An instance is related by Dubois of his having one day explained to his congregation the parable of the

VOL. XXIX. NO. LVIII.

E E

Prodigal