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establish any hostile confederacy between Denmark and France, nor any design on the part of the former to depart from the strictest neutrality; on the contrary, the above-mentioned solemn declaration of the crown prince to the British minister ought to have been received by his majesty's servants as the pledge of a firm resolution to maintain neutrality; and because nothing short of a hostile design in the government of Denmark could justify the demand of her fleet, or the bombardment of Copenhagen to enforce the surrender of it.

Because it was completely in the power of Great Britain to have protected the Danish fleet from any hostile attack of France, which destroys the pretence of such an indispensable necessity as could alone justify even the slightest trespass upon a peaceable and unoffending state.

Because, still assuming in the absence of all evidence to the contrary, that the government of Denmark was faithful to her neutrality, no speculation of the probable fall of her fleet into the possession or power of France could possibly justify its hostile seizure by Great Britain. Such a principle would be utterly subversive of the first elements of public law, as being destructive of the independence of weaker states, inasmuch as it would create a jurisdiction in the stronger nations to substitute their own security and convenience for the general rule, and invest them also with the sole privilege of determining the occasions upon which they might consider them to be endangered; and because to justify the attack and plunder of a weak unoffending power, upon the assumption that a stronger

belligerent might otherwise attack and plunder her, would be to erect a new public law upon the foundation of dishonour and violence, making the tyranny of one nation a warrant for substituting the dominion of oppression for the sacred obligations of morality, humanity, and justice.

Because, supposing it to have been not only probable, but even certain, that France could have succeeded in carrying away in the winter the ships and stores from Copenhagen, but without the consent of Denmark, faithful to her neutrality, the iniquity of that act, in sound policy, independently of all considerations of justice, ought to have been left to the French government to perpetrate; because the carcases of the ships would have been the only fault of an act of the deepest atrocity, whilst the indignation of a brave and generous people, now too justly directed against Great Britain, would then have been pointed against France; and Denmark, with the protection of our fleets, might have kept open the Baltic to our commerce, and extended our maritime means of restoring the tranquillity of the world.

Because, until this attack upon Copenhagen shall receive vindication by proof of its justice, or condemnation, in the absence of it, from the parliament of Great Britain, she has lost her moral station in the world; since the very system of wrong and violence, which she has so long confederated Europe to destroy, at the expence of her blood and resources, will have been established and confirmed by her own example.

Because a whole nation ought not in the mean time to be disho noured, nor its immortal charac

teristic

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Feb. 6.-Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, &c. We have decreed, and do decree as follows:

Art. I. There shall be levied in our kingdom of Portugal, a war contribution of 100 millions of franks (about four millions sterling), to be paid by all kinds of property and domains belonging to individuals.

II. The commander of our army shall apportion the contribution on the respective provinces, according to the means of each.

III. All the property belonging to the queen of Portugal and to the prince regent, and to all the princes who have pensions, shall be sequestrated. All the property of the grandees of the kingdom who have followed the prince regent in his flight, shall also be sequestrated, unless that they return to Portugal before the 15th of January next.

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threaten Sweden with a speedy invasion, for the purpose of forcing her to accede to the French system; and his Swedish majesty finding himself therefore under the neces sity of bringing forward, to resist its effects, a greater force than be has at his ordinary disposal;-his Britannic majesty, animated with the constant desire of contributing to the defence and security of his ally, and of supporting him by every means in a war undertaken for the mutual interests of both states, has determined to give to his Swedish majesty an immediate aid in money, as being the most prompt and efficacious, to be paid and their majesties having judged from time to time at fixed periods: it expedient that a formal convention, with regard to their reciprocal intentions in this respect, should be concluded, they have for this purpose named and authorised their have agreed upon the following respective plenipotentiaries, who

articles:

I. His majesty the king of the and Ireland, engages that there united kingdom of Great Britain shall be paid to his majesty the king of Sweden the sum of 1,200,000!.

sterling, in equal instalments of 100,000l. sterling each per month, beginning with the month of Jaly, and to continue successively in nuary of the present year inclusivethe course of each month, the first of which instalments shall be paid on the ratification of the present convention by his Swedish majesty.

II. His majesty the king of Swethe said sunt in putting into motion, den engages, on his part, to employ and keeping on a respectable establishment, all his land forces, and such part as shall be necessary of his fleets, and particularly his fotilla, in order to oppose the most

effectual

effectual resistance to the common enemies.

III. Their said majesties more over engage to conclude no peace, no truce, or convention of neutrality with the enemy, but in concert and by mutual agreement.

IV. The present convention shall be ratified by the two high contracting parties, and its ratifications shall be exchanged at London within the space of six weeks, after the signature of the said convention, or sooner if it can be done.

SEPARATE ARTICLE.

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The two high contracting parties have agreed to concert, as soon as possible, the measures to be taken, and the auxiliary succours to be stipulated for, in the case of a war actually taking place between Sweden and the powers her neighbours; and the stipulations which may then result shall be considered as separate and additional articles to this convention, and shall have the same force as if they were word for word inserted therein.

In faith of which, we the undersigned plenipotentiaries of their said majesties, have signed the present convention, and this separate article, and have caused the seal of our arms to be affixed thereto.

Done at Stockholm, the 8th of February, in the year of redemp

tion 1809.

EDW. THORNTON (L.S,)
F. EHRENHEIM (L.S.)

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RUSSIA. DECLARATION of the EMPE FOR OF RUSSIA AGAINST

I SWEDEN.

(193)

wards the king of Denmark, the emperor of Russia, faithful to his character and to his system of unceasing care for the interests of his empire, notified to the king of Great Britain, that he could not remain insensible of so unjust and unexampled an aggression on a sovereign connected with him by the ties of blood and friendship, and who was the most ancient ally of Russia. His imperial majesty informed the king of Sweden of this determination by a note, dated the 24th of September last, and presented to the Swedish ambassacluded in 1783 between the emdor. An article in the treaty conand another in the treaty of 1800 press Catharine and Gustavus III. between the late emperor Paul and tain the reciprocal and stipulated the present king of Sweden, conagreement to maintain the principle that the Baltic is a close sea, with the guarantee of its coasts against all acts of hostility, violence, or vexations whatsoever; and farther, to employ for this purpose all the ive contracting parties. His immeans in the power of the respectperial majesty, referring to these treaties, considered himself not merely authorised, but bound, to call upon the king of Sweden for His Swedish majesty did not dishis co-operation against England. avow the obligations imposed upon refused all co-operation until the him by the treaties referred to, but French troops should be removed from the coast, and the ports of Germany opened to English ships. But the question here was, the checking of those aggressions which England had commenced, and by which all Europe was disturbed. king of Sweden a co-operation The emperor demanded from the founded on treaties; but his Swe(N)

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Justly indignant at the violence which England has displayed to1808.

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dish majesty answered by proposing to delay the execution of the treaty to another period, and by troubling himself with the care of opening the Dutch ports for England; in a word, with rendering himself of service to that England, against which measures of defence ought to have been taken. It would be difficult to find a more striking proof of partiality on the part of the king of Sweden towards Great Britain, than this which he has here given. His imperial majesty, on the 16th of November, caused a second note to be delivered, in which his Swedish majesty was informed of the rupture between Russia and England. This note remained two months unanswered; and the answer, which was transmitted on the 6th of January to his imperial majesty's minister, was to the same purport as the former. The emperor is, however, far from regretting his moderation. He is, on the contrary, well pleased to recollect, that he has employed every means that remained to him for bringing back his Swedish majesty to the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of his states; but his imperial majesty owes it at last to his people, and to the security of his dominions, which is to a sovereign the highest of all laws, no longer to leave the co-operation of Russia with Sweden a matter of doubt. Informed that the cabinet of St. James's, endeavouring to territy Denmark into a concurrence with the interests of England, threatened that Swedish troops should occupy Zealand, and that the possession of Norway should be guaranteed to the king of Sweden; assured also that his Swedish majesty, while he left the Russian note unanswered, was secretly negotiating a treaty

at London; his imperial majesty perceived that the interests of his empire would be very ill secured. were he to permit his neighbour, the king of Sweden, at the commencement of a war between Russia and England, to disguise his well-known sentiments of attachment to the latter power under the appearance of a pretended neutrality. His imperial majesty therefore cannot allow the relations of Sweden towards Russia to remin longer in a state of uncertainty. He cannot give his consent to such a neutrality. His Swedish majesty's intentions being therefore no longer doubtful, nothing remained for his imperial majesty but to resort to those means which Providence has placed in his hands, for no other purpose except that of giving protection and safety to his dominions: and he has deemed it right to notify this intention to the king of Sweden, and to all Europe. Having thus acquitted himself of that duty which the safety of his dominions requires, his impenal majesty is ready to change the measures he is about to take to measures of precaution only, if the king of Sweden will, without delay, join Russia and Denmark in shutting the Baltic against England until the conclusion of a maritime peace. He himself invites the king, his brother-ip law, for the last time, and with all the feelings of real friendship, no longer to he sitate in fulfilling his obligations, and in embracing the only system of policy which is consistent with the interests of the northern pow ers. What has Sweden gained since her king attached himself England? Nothing could be m painful to his imperial majesty than to see a rupture take place between Sweden and Russia. But

his Swedish majesty has it still in his power to prevent this event, by resolving, without delay, to adopt that course, which can alone preserve a strict anion and perfect harmony between the two states.

Done at St. Petersburg, Feb. 10, 1808.

DECREES OF THE KING OFSPAIN.

Aranjuez, March 18, 1808. As I intend to command my army and navy in person, I have thought proper to release Don Manuel Godoy, prince of the peace, from the employs of generalissimo and admiral, and give him leave to withdraw whither he pleases. You are herewith informed of it, and will communicate it to whom it concerns.

To Don Francis Gill.

No. I.

The King of Spain's decree to his excellency Don Pedro Cevallos, first secretary of state. My beloved subjects! - Your generous agitation in these circumstances is a fresh proof of the sentiments of your heart, and I, who love you as a tender father, take the earliest opportunity to console with you in the distressed situation in which we are placed. Be tranquil; know that the army of my dear ally, the emperor of the French, traverses my kingdom with ideas of friendship and peace.. Its object is to march to the points which are threatened with the danger of a descent by the enemy, and the junction of my life guards has no other object than to protect my person, and they are not intended to accompany me on a voyage, which malice endeavoured to re

present as necessary. Surrounded by the unshaken loyalty of my armed subjects, of which I have received such unquestionable proofs, what have I to fear? and should any imperious necessity require it, could I doubt of the assistance which their generous bosoms offered me? But no such necessity will ever be witnessed by my people. Spaniards, allay your fears; conduct yourselves as you have hitherto done towards the troops of the ally of your good king. In a few days you will see peace and tranquillity restored; your hearts and minds enjoying the happiness which God bestows on me in the bosom of my family and your love. Royal palace of Aranjuez, March

By the King,

A. D. PEDRO CEVALLOS.

No. II.-ROYAL DECREE. My habitual infirmities not permitting me to support any longer the important burden of the government of my kingdom, and it being requisite for the re-establishment of my health, that I should enjoy in a more temperate climate a private life, I have determined, after mature deliberation, to abdicate my crown, in favour of my heir, my dearly beloved son the prince of Asturias.

My royal will therefore is, that he should be duly recognised and obeyed, as king and natural lord of all my kingdoms and sovereignties, and in order that this royal decree of my free and spontaneous abdication may be exactly and duly fulfilled, you will communicate it to the council, and to all others whom it may concern.

I, THE KING. Done at Aranjuez, March 19. DON PEDRO CEVALLOS. (N 2) No.

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