Commendation of the Peace Cause by Prominent Men. OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY.

NATION SHALL NOT LIFT UP SWORD AGAINST NATION, NEITHER SHALL THEY LEARN WAR ANY MORE.

NEW SERIES.

BOSTON, NOVEMBER, 1873.

THE DEBATE ON MR. HENRY RICHARD'S
MOTION ON INTERNATIONAL ARBITRA.
TION.

BY A SPECTATOR IN THE GALLERY.

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VOL. IV. No. 11

troversy on the Russian war, and it was appropriate that just as Mr. Richard should have commenced dealing with it, Mr. Bright should walk into the House and take his seat immediately below the speaker. The hon. member then dealt with the state to which the rivalry in armaments has reduced the No one at this season of the year can expect a full House, nations of Europe, illustrating his argument by some leading and that member who has a motion on the paper should excomprehensive facts, and capping it with a few sentences of teem himself fortunate, if, at an evening sitting, commencing is spending the greater portion of its income in warlike prepa Every Power," said the speaker, great oratorical power. at nine o'clock, he can get a house at all. There was, however, no danger of a count-out last night. The high personal bullets; they ask for useful education and they give them rations. Their subjects ask for bread and they give thenesteem in which the member for Merthyr is held, as well as the interest taken by a section of the House in the question of military drill; they ask for comfortable homes and dwellings which he is the representative, were sufficient to secure a fair and they offer them barracks. Science has, in fact, sold herattendance of the members. But when nine o'clock struck self to the devil in devoting her ingenuity in devising inventhere were not more than some two- or three-and-twenty pres- tions, which are, in their turn, surpassed by others still more ent. The Opposition benches were virtually empty; one powerful and destructive." This section of his argument Mr. member only sat on the front Ministerial bench, and the rest Richard concluded by pointing out how the combined stateswere congregated in Mr. Richard's immediate neighborhood. manship of Europe did nothing but play the senseless game of beggar my neighbor." In the next section, the precedents One by one other members belonging to the "Extreme Left" made their appearance, and when, at some six minutes after and authorities in favor of arbitration were quoted, and during nine, Mr. Richard rose, there was a prospect of a good House. his treatment of this, Mr. Richard took occasion to pay a high If members had taken the same interest in the question as the compliment to Earl Granville, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Colfax, "strangers," not a bench would have been unoccupied, for all for their conduct during the Geneva negotiations, and also to the seats in the Speaker's and Strangers' galleries were full. the Times for the judicial spirit in which it had written. The Mr. Richard rose from the corner of the third seat below the last part of his argument was devoted to showing the reasongangway. He spoke, at first, in an unusually low tone of ableness and practicability of a court of arbitration and of invoice, but soon gained his customary pitch, as, in calm and ternational law such as he proposed. This finished, the hon. member concluded his speech with one of the most effective measured language, he proceeded to unfold the "high argument" of his speech. Since the time in July, 1869, when perorations that has probably ever been heard in the House of Mr. Richard made his first speech in the House, on bringing Commons. Here, he expressed his conviction that, if Engforward his resolution with regard to the Welsh elections, the land would take the first step in organizing the peace of Euhon. member has always commanded the fixed attention of rope, she would find a response of which, at present, there the House. That speech, which was listened to with unusual was no conception. "I am ambitious," he exclaimed, curiosity as coming from the member who was esteemed to be the honor of this great mission should belong to my own Having vindicated the interest of the peace party the representative of Wales, was a model of a first speech-country." full of matter, yet not long; adorned, yet not overlaid, with in the honor and glory of England, he concluded by expressthe graces of rhetoric; arranged with oratorical art, and de- ing the nature of her true glory and honor. The speaker sat ten amidst ringing cheers, having livered with perfect self-possession. If Mr. Richard had been down at a quarter past a member of the House of Commons for as many years as the spoken about an hour and ten minutes. Mr. Gladstone immediately rose as he did after Mr. Miall's oldest member, he could not have caught more happily than he then did the style which suits the House. So it has been in motion but in a very different spirit. He looked tired, and every speech which he has since made, and so it was yester-spoke all through as if he could not throw off the tired feeling, day. Yet those who have often heard the hon. member, and yet he spoke for some three quarters of an hour, every few who also heard him last night, must have been struck with a minutes, however, after a time, seeming as though he was just difference. There was that measured deliberation of speech about to finish, and then resuming the argument. His was a which indicated a feeling of extreme moral responsibilty, and peculiar speech, indicating, and often expressing, his thorough even when the speaker rose, as he thrice did, to that rhythmic sympathy with the object sought to be obtained, yet withholdThe gist eloquence, when the words fall on the ear like the tread of a ing support to the proposed means of obtaining it. multitude, or the motion of music, he was exercising an ob- of the speech was that it was better for the Government to deal vious and powerful self-restraint. with the arbitration in question in detail, acknowledging its duty as an English statesman has seldom done before todo unto others as we would be done by, and to expect no more He also referred to Mr. Cobthan we are prepared to give." den's motion, and reminded the previous speaker that Lord Palmerston had advised Mr. Cobden not to go to a division but to accept a negative on a motion in favor of the previous question, and he doubted whether Mr. Cobden had exercised a wise discretion in not doing this. He emphatically declared that he had but one motive in declining to request the House to adopt Mr. Richard's motion, namely, that its adoption would tend to put in jeopardy the progress of the cause which he had at heart. He expressed his sense of the great value of the

We think that we shall express the feelings of opponents as well as of friends, when we say that Mr. Richard delivered last night what is termed a great speech-a speech worthy of his subject and of his audience. He began with a reference to Mr. Cobden's motion of twenty-four years ago, and then proceeded to refer to the large degree of external support which he had received-from the continent and the United States; from nearly all the religious bodies of this country, and especially from the working men. He next, and very happily, dealt with the charge that the party to which he belonged was the " Peace-at-any-price party. If we remember rightly, that charge was levelled with greatest effect during the con

"that

motion and his conviction that there was reserved for this country a great and honorable" destiny in connection with the subject, but that they must proceed "step by step," taking care to give practical effect to their principles by acting with "moderation, good-will and justice.' "It may not be given," he said, "o those who are engaged in this discussion; it may not be given to those who now sit within the walls of the House, to witness the ultimate fruit of such a course. Great and desirable results in the mixed and chequered world in which we live are only to be achieved by the patient and persevering use of rational means. T'here is not much which excites or appeals to the imagination in preaching lessons of this kind. Still, they are lessons of practical wisdom, and if happily we adhere to them, sooner or later we shall not lose our reward, nor fail to see other nations walking in the same path." Mr. Gladstone's speech was the speech of a great Peace Minister, and, taking it altogether, none could have listened to it with profounder gratitude than the members of the peace party in the House and in the galleries.

Sir Wilfrid Lawson spoke next. He was listened to with great patience for a quarter of an hour, during which time Mr. Richard was in conversation with Mr. Bright and other friends. Sir Wilfrid having sat down, Mr. Richard rose, and briefly stated that he felt it to be his duty to take the sense of the House. Lord Enfield thereupon moved the previous question. A ringing cheer greeted Mr. Richard when he appeared at the bar with the paper, and the hon. member certainly never spoke in so good a voice all the evening as when he announced that the numbers were - Ayes, (for the previous question) 88; noes, 98; the Government thus being defeated by 10 votes. Mr. Richard's motion wae then agreed to without a division. | How this vote came about remains to be seen, but it is quite evident that Mr. Richard exercised a very "wise discretion" indeed in challenging a division. As the Tory benches were nearly empty all the evening, the division was clearly between the regular Government supporters and the Radicals-aided by just a few Tories. Its moral effect upon the Government as such will be bad, but that is nothing compared with the moral effect throughout Europe of such a motion being carried. The House has decided "that an humble address be presented to Her Majesty praying that she will be graciously pleased to instruct her principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communication with foreign powers with a view to furthur improvement in international law and the establishment of a general and permanent system of international arbitration."

VESTOL'S GRIT.

THE TENNESSEE QUAKER WHO REFUSED TO FIGHT IN THE
LATE WAR.

The following interesting account of a young Quaker who
could not be induced to fight in the late War, though conscripted,
is from the pen of a prominent citizen of this State,-a leading
member of the bar of an adjacent county, and an ex-Judge Ad-
vocate and officer of the Confederate States Army in the late
War. It is a faithful narration of one of the most interesting
and curious events of the late War:
To the Editor of the Banner:

matter up in despair, and told him to leave and go home, which he did. But shortly thereafter another conscript officer came along and Vestol was again duly enrolled as a conscript, and ordered to report at Bragg's headquarters. Not being ready just then to leave his home, he asked and obtained the time of two weeks within which to report, some citizen of Columbia, Chancellor Fleming, as I now remember, going his security that he would report at the end of the time. Before the two weeks had expired, Gen. Bragg had fallen back to Chattanooga. All alone and on foot, Vestol went to Chattanooga, and reported to Bragg's headquarters. By a most singular coincidence, he was again assigned to the Fourth Tennessee. Col. McMurray, from his Shelbyville experience, knew he had a tough customer to deal with. He concluded he would try the force of moral suasion, so one day he sent for Vestol to come to his quarters, and undertook to convince him from the Scriptures that he was wholly wrong in his ideas and position. But the young Quaker was rather too much for the gallant Colonel in the Scripture argument and the Colonel sent for his Chaplain to talk to Vestol and convince him that he was altogether wrong in his refusal to fight or to perform military duty. The Chaplain came and opened the argument after this wise: "I wouldn't give a cent for a religion that is opposed to my country." Said Vestol, "I wouldn't give a cent for a country that is opposed to my religion." The argument lasted for some time, but left the young Quaker unconvinced, and determined to do no military duty of any description. He refused to police the camp, or do the least thing that could be tortured or construed into military duty. At last, Col. McMurray, wholly unable to do anything with Vestol, sent him to brigade headquarters. Here he was reasoned with, and every effort made to induce him to go and perform the duties of a soldier, but he was firm and inflexible as the everlasting hills. He was told that if he persisted in his course he would be subjected to severe punishment, and finally would be shot for disobedience of orders. He replied that they had the power to kill him, but neither the Federal nor Confederate Army possessed the power to force him to abandon his principles, or prove false to his religion. I remember endeavoring to persuade him one day to pay the $500, which the law provided a Quaker might pay, and be exempt from military duty, and asked him if he couldn't raise that amount and pay it, and thus get rid of the troubles that I plainly saw ahead of him if he persisted in his course.

He said he could raise the money without any difficulty. "But," said he, "suppose I pay the Confederate Government $500, that will enable them to employ some one else to fight, and it will be equivalent to my hiring another man to do what I think it wrong to do myself. I can't do that." I then said to him: 44 Suppose I could get you the position of nurse in a hospital, to care for the sick, wouldn't you be willing to do that? He said, "I regard it my duty to do all I can for the sick and afflicted in either army, but if I were to take the position of nurse in a hospital, I would thereby occupy the place of some other man who would go out and fight," and so declined to do that. Learning from him that he knew how to make pottery or earthenware, I told him there was a manufactory of that sort in Georgia. "Now suppose you could be detailed to work there, would you not be willing to go?" He replied, "If it is a private establishment I will go; but, if it is I have just read in the Banner of the 16th inst., a fragment a Government establishment, and run in the interest of the war, of Gov. Foote's reminiscences, headed, "How a Quaker Re-I can't go." Everything that could be construed, directly or fused to Fight." As I am familiar with the facts and circum- indirectly, into military duty, he refused most emphatically to stances alluded to, and as the case greatly interested me at the engage in. He was only about eighteen years of age. I soon time, I have thought it might be of some interest to your read- became satisfied that he acted from principle, and would go to ers to go into details more than is done in Gov. Foote's brief the stake, or meet death in any shape it could assume, rather allusion to the case. than swerve one particle from what he conceived to be his duty It was the sublimest exhibition of moral courage I had ever witnessed, and it was the more remarkable from being found in a boy of only eighteen, away from his family and friends. I asked him one day if he had no sympathy in the contest-if he had no preferences as to which side should be successful. "O yes," he said, "I would prefer to see the South victorious, as I live in the South and among Southern people." I heard a gentleman say to him, “Vestol, did you ever exhibit any emotion about anything in your life-did you ever cry in your life? "O yes," he said, "I have cried in my life." "Well," said the gentleman, "I would like to know what were the circum

The young Quaker alluded to is Tilgham R. Vestɔl, who lived near Columbia, Tenn. When Gen. Bragg's army was at Shelbyville, Tenn., young Vestol was conscripted and sent to that place; he was assigned to duty in the Fourth Tennessee Regiment, commanded by Col. McMurray, of Nashville. He reported to the regiment as required to do, but utterly refused to perform military duty of any character or description. Neither by threats nor persuasion could he be induced to alter his determination. The officers of the regiment were as humane as they were true and gallant, and, after every effort had failed to induce Vestol to perform the duties of a soldier, they gave the

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stances that caused you to cry." "Well, sir," he said, "when I left home to come here, my mother cried when she told me good-by, and I cried then." 'Yes," said the gentleman, and if your mother were here now, and could see how you are situated, she would tell you to take your gun and go out and do your duty as a soldier.' No, sir," he quickly replied; "the last thing my mother said to me was to be true to my religion, and I mean to do it." It was during his stay at Gen. Maney's headquarters that Vestol had his interview with Gov. Foote. Gov. Foote was at that time a member of the Confederate Congress, representing the Nashville District, and was a candidate for re-election, being opposed, as I now remember, by Col. Savage. The soldiers from Tennessee in the army were allowed to vote, and the Governor was out electioneering among the soldiers. While at Gen. Maney's headquar. ters some one pointed out Vestol to Gov. Foote, or introduced Vestol to him, as a Quaker that wouldn't fight, when the following conversation occurred between them:

Foote "What, young man, won't you fight-you are a stout, good-looking young man-is it true that you refuse to fight?" Vestol-Yes, sir."

Foote "Why, you are all wrong about that. Suppose you were to marry a beautiful and accomplished young lady, and some ruffian were to come into your house and grossly insult her, wouldn't vou kill him?"

Vestol-"No, sir."

Foote (Jumping from his seat in a very excited manner)“Why, I'd kill him in a minute.”

Resuming his seat after a minute, the Governor surveyed

Vestol, and again commenced a conversation with him.

Foote "Young inan, you are all wrong about this matter, even from a Scriptural standpoint. When Christ was upon earth he directed his disciples to pay tribute to Cæsar. The money thus paid went into the Roman treasury, and was used in carrying on the wars of the Roman people."

The

Vestol-"No, sir; you are mistaken about that. Temple of Janus was closed at that time, and there were no wars going on."

not

I

over, I inquired of all those rebs I supposed would know what became of him, and whether he had survived the war, but none of them could tell me.

In the year 1871, I was sitting in my office one evening, when a young man walked in and spoke to me, and asked me if my name was not so and so. I told him yes, and asked him to take a seat, that I would talk to him in a few minutes, as I was engaged just then. He remarked that he didn't believe I knew him. I looked at him then more closely, and told him I did not. He asked me if I remembered a Quaker at Chattanooga that refused to fight. I at once recognized Vestol, and was really glad to meet him, and made him give me a history of his ups and downs in the army after I parted with him at Chattanooga. He told me he was in Castle Thunder for a while, at Richmond, but was finally permitted by the Secretary of War to go down to North Carolina to school, and was there at the time the war closed. Feeling that his education was not sufficient at the close of the war he went to Rhode Island, and there continued his studies and taught school a portion of the time. He informed me that it was seven years from the time he left his father's house to report to Bragg at Chattanooga before he returned to his paternal roof. He had invented a mode for taking off and putting on, wagon bodies, for which he had obtained a patent, and was selling the right when I met him.

I suppose he is still living in the neighborhood of Columbia, Tenn.-Nashville (Tenn.) Banner.

While antiquarians are digging up from the rubbish of ages the THE EAST.-The Old World is rapidly becoming new. routes for railroads over Asia, which, when constructed, shall records of the first Assyrian Empire, engineers are surveying convey the later fruits of Christian civilization to those many would seem as though the portals are about to be opened natives that cluster around the seats of primeval history. It through which shall be carried with ever-augmenting wealth the later stores of human art, enterprise, literature, and religion, to tribes and people hitherto entombed beneath the customs Foote I believe he knows more about it than I do. and superstitions of the dead and vanished past. Railroads, don't know whether the Temple of Janus was closed then or rivers, once established in Asia, there must soon come gigantic telegraphs, and swift communications by steam over seas and Such was snbstantially the interview between this remarka- changes, of whose magnitude we can form but a feeble concep tion, that shall make all things new "the wide world around. ble boy and this remarkable man. Perhaps two more opposite The swift revolutions that have occurred in Japan are but harcharacters, in many particulars, never came in contact. Gov. Foote, as before stated, was at that time a member of bingers of what will occur in other lands of the East when the the Confederate Congress. Whether he voted for the Con- forces of modern civilization shall have been fairly applied to their script law, the officers appointed under which he denominates art which employs all secondary causes in the working out of Art is long, though time is fleeting, and that divine the bloodhounds of the Davis despotism," I know not. It was passed during the time he was a member of the Confeder- doms of this earth have become the kingdoms of our Lord. the purposes of grace can never faint or weary until the kingate Congress; whether with his sanction or not, I have no How far the Christian missionaries scattered over Asia have means of ascertaining. One thing is certain, he used all his power of persuasion to induce Vestol to bear arms on the side prepared the way for the entering in of the armies of industrial, of the Davis despotism," and was seeking the votes of the sideration. It might, we think, be demonstrated by a close mercantile and social progress is a question most worthy of consoldiers who were bearing arms on that side, and obtained the logical induction that the gospel of divine love preached and votes of hundreds of them with the understanding-implied, at taught by missionaries has been the first effective agent in least that he was in full accord with the South in her strug-breaking down barriers which have hitherto separated the peogle. On no other ground could he have received a vote.

But to return to the young Quaker. His case was such an extraordinary one that Gen. Polk wrote the facts to the War Department at Richmond, but never received an answer, so far as I am advised. Vestol was ordered to Knoxville, and from that place he found his way to the Virginia Army, and was assigned to the Fourteenth or Seventh Tennessee Regiment-] do not now remember which. Here he was ordered to military duty, but firmly refused, as he had done before. The Brigadier in command, knowing nothing of his history or antecedents, ordered him to be bayoneted for disobedience of orders, and the bayonet was applied to him repeatedly. He bore it with the spirit of a martyr, and the soldiers, seeing that he would die willingly in preference to sacrificing his principles, refused further to punish him. No punishment, no threats, could shake the settled purpose of his soul for a moment. He was under arrest all the while. Frequently, on retreats, his guard would lose sight of him, but, in a day or two Vestol would march up alone into camp.

He made such an impression, on me that, after the war was

conditions.

ples of Asia from the Christian nations of the West. War and diplomacy have in no single instance accomplished so much as the men of peace who proclaim the Prince of Peace in the regions of barbaric darkness and degradation.

PETITIONS IN SUPPORT OF MR. RICHARD'S MOTION.-The total number of petitions in favor of this motion presented to the British House of Commons during the late session, ending August, 1873, was 1,165. The total number of signatures was 207,391 But, as already noticed, a large proportion of the pe titions were only signed by one person on behalf of a large number of others, as, for example, by the chairman of each public meeting held on the question.

A "Woman's Peace Society " has been formed in London, which has just published an offer of $100 for the best tract, written by a woman, on the subject of peace. The title must be "In what way do wars affect women; and how may they best use their influence to prevent war."

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE.

BOSTON, NOVEMBER, 1873.

EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

BRUSSELS, September, 1873. From the last number of the Advocate its readers learned that the Corresponding Secretary had sailed for Europe for the purpose of assisting in organizing and arranging for the proposed International Conference at Brussels in October. It is to be presumed they will be desirous of knowing what has been done in the prosecution of this purpose and what are the prospects of the anticipated reunion of eminent scholars and jurists. I am very happy to be able to give a favorable report.

I sailed from New York on the 27th of August and arrived in Liverpool on the 7th of September, where I remained but just long enough to exchange cordial greetings with some of the excellent and efficient friends of the cause of Peace, A. B. Hayward, Esq., Isaac Cook, Esq., and others. Proceeding to London, I was very glad to find Mr. Richard and have an opportunity to congratulate him personally upon his recent victory in the House of Commons. By this time doubtless it is well known that the telegraphic report which we in America received that his motion was carried by the casting vote of the Speaker was a mistake. He had a majority of ten in its favor. Mr. Richard feels a lively interest in the proposed Brussels meeting, and will take an active and prominent part in its exercises. Soon after my arrival in Europe I ascertained we had made a mistake in fixing the time of our meeting so late as the 28th of October, inasmuch as the various Universities of Europe commence their autumn sessions before that time, and the Professors whose presence is essential to the success of our meeting could not attend. After consultation with our friends here we changed the time to the 10th of October. This change has added much to the labor which I have to perform in preparation for the meeting; it has involved much additional correspondence and necessitated a good deal of travel.

I remained but a few days in London, as my presence in Brussels was deemed necessary. Coming here I was most cordially welcomed by our noble friend, Hon. Auguste Visschers, President of the Provisional Committee. Mr. Visschers is a most efficient organizer. I doubt if his equal can be found in Europe, and the success of our meeting, which is now well assured, will be due in large measure to him. Our compatriot, the Hon. David Dudley Field, arrived in Brussels a day or two before me, and gave us his wise counsel and efficient co-operation. The Burgomaster and Minister of Justice are most cordial, and will cheerfully do all in their power to facilitate our object. The programme of the meeting I append to this letter. I think it will be perused with interest.

After attending to preparations here I went to Paris, where I met a large number of the gentlemen who are to attend the reunion. Fortunately Professors Mancini and Pierantoni, of Italy, were there, as also gentlemen from other countries whose attendance we desire. The distinguished Carlos Colvo, as also our bonored and warm-hearted friend, Frederick Passy, ren

dered me most valuable aid. Both of them very kindly gave
dinners, to which the gentlemen interested in the Brussels
meeting were invited, giving me thus opportunities for confer-
ence in regard to matters of great importance. But I have not
time to enter more into details. It must suffice for me now to
say the movement has assumed a magnitude and importance,
and has awakened a deeper and wider interest than I had ex-
pected. Every day its prospects grow brighter. We are sure
of the attendance of Professors Mancini and Pierantoni of Italy;
of some of the most eminent publicists of France, Belgium,
Holland, England, Germany and other countries. Let the
meeting have the guidance and blessing of the God of Peace.
J. B. M.

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE FOR THE RE-
FORM AND THE CODIFICATION OF THE
LAW OF NATIONS.

BRUSSELS, September 19, 1873. SIR-Public opinion in all countries sensibly affected by the calamities without number that flow from war is active in the endeavor to find means which tend to prevent it, by removing the causes of war and devising an equitable mode of settling the differences between nations. Eminent publicists and jurisconsults of America have taken the initiative in the convocation of an International Conference, which is to be held in Brussels, and which is designed to put in direct affinity men especially versed in International Law, of the different States of America and Europe.

The object of these distinguished men, when assembled, will be to seek for the means for rectifying treaties, the compacts which actually regulate international relations, for instituting the necessary reforms of international law, for obtaining its codification, so that a law written, positive and uniform, may be substituted for the incomplete and contradictory traditions which are so full of defects, and which give rise to many diverse interpretations. Although the collective work has this broad scope, the design of the Conference is at least to attempt such action, in the limited course of its sessions, as will hasten the accomplishment of the great end, encourage subsequent endeavors and shed light upon the course to be pursued for its complete consummation.

In a session held at Brussels the 17th of this month a provisional committee, which has been formed in accordance with the views expressed by a large number of the members of the proposed Conference, has decided upon the following measures, subject to the definite approbation of the assembly:

First. The beginning of the Conference (at first announced for the 28th of October) is fixed for the 10th of the same month

at noon.

The sessions will be held in the halls of the Hotel de

Ville of Brussels, which have generously been put at the disposal of the Conference by the College of the Burgomaster and

the Aldermen.