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THE CONSCRIPT.

BY Z. D., NEWPORT, R. I.

Where sleep'st thou now? The sunset tints are fading,
And night is gathering o'er the azure sky.
Faint curling mists are objects dim o'ershading,
And winds are singing low their lullaby.

of a man is in his soul, and as soul is immortal, the question whether the body dies at the age of ten or ninety years is comparatively as nothing in the sight of the Creator. The first thing He demands of human souls is, that they shall subordinate every consideration relating to the bodily life to those impulses, instincts, or intuitions which come from their spiritual nature, and this demand urges some of the strongest souls-to what?" You confidently answer, "to war," but I demur be

Where sleep'st thou now? The trump has ceas'd its sounding, fore joining in your conclusion.
The war-note deep, is hush'd the hills among,
And purple vintage grounds are now resounding
With festive glee, breath'd forth in many a song

When the young spring its odors sweet was lending,
To ev'y breeze that wooingly pass'd by,

When the bright summer, its green leaves was blending
In shadows deep with sunlight of the sky;

I saw thee, boy, with health upon thy brow,
Swift as the chamois, on the mountain height,
Climb the high avalanche of spotless snow,

And stand exulting in the glowing light.

Thy spirit, free as eaglet of the mountain,
Expanded with the glory of the sight.

As thou with voice, glad as the gush of fountain,
In ecstacy pour'd forth thy wild delight..
Conscription came: how fell thy fluttering pinion,
To soar no more thro' regions of the air;
Thou stood in marshal'd ranks of pow'r the minion,
Thou, my free hearted boy, my tenderest care.

Where sleep'st thou now? when evening softly closes,
How sorrow presses with its shades on me ;

And when in quiet deep the earth reposes,
My soul goes forth in gloom in search of thee.

'Mid heaps of slain, my son, I see you lying
Unshrouded, on a far unhallow'd soil;
Low, dirge-like notes the cold night wind is sighing ;
To glory, what are poverty and toil?

For them, the trump of Fame wakes not its breathing,
To future time no clarion tells their name,
For them, fair hands no laurel chaplet wreathing,
Their deeds no chosen bard shall e'er proclaim.

They stood, where fiercest rag'd the shock of battle,
They stood, where loudest volleying cannon roar'd,
They stood less valu'd than are herded cattle,

As round the hissing shot death dealing pour'd.

My son, thou liest on the battle ground

With those, who falling ne'er are nam'd again, Vain unto such, of Fame the vaunted sound; There glory hides her heaps of buried slain.

THE BOSTON GLOBE AGAIN.

BY X. Y. Z.

As the question of war or peace is one of universal interest I venture to again reply to an article on the subject in the Boston Globe.

1 most fully accord with the writer of it when he says that human life is secondary to great principles, and is to be freely sacrificed for them. In all ages great souls have believed this, and nobly laid down their lives for the truth on the scaffold or the battle-field with a heroism which has commanded the admiration of all who came after them, and far be it from me to snatch one laurel from their brows. My heart beats high at the recital of the brave deeds of our forefathers, and I rejoice to lay, with tender tears and fervent benedictions, garlands on the graves of our later heroes. Life-mortal life-is fleeting, and truth is everlasting. If what we call death were the going out of the soul, it would be different, but as you truly say, "The real life

This is a broad subject, to be looked at with no narrow or partizan eye; peace-men have no wish to initiate a quixotic crusade against anything truly good and great in past ages or in our own; but they would thoughtfully and conscientiously ask whether, war being admitted to be such a terrible evil, something may not be done to prevent it in future, without the sacrifice of principles more valuable than life itself?

We know that wars have prevailed in all the past-wars forthe defense of liberty and religion, and wars for their suppression; religious wars and civil wars; wars for the extension of territory, for the strengthening of nationalities and the gratification of the personal piques aud malice of despots; wars with reason and without, till scarce a page of history is unstained. It would be a curious investigation that should show us how many of these wars have been fought for noble and how many for ignoble ends, and also precisely how much they have done for the furtherance of freedom and religion, and whether civilization has advanced through or in spite of them.

To us the mere fact that they have prevailed in the past does not prove their necessity in the future. One by one the world outgrows and throws off its old barbarisms, as polygamy, trial by ordeal, the feudal system, duelling and slavery, all were verily believed to be in accordance with the will of God, but which have now given place, at least in Christian nations, to more humane institutions. Whether war is another barbarism to thus yield its hold and gradually disappear, or whether it is so necessary to the progress of freedom that, however revolting to all our better instincts, it must be perpetuated through all the future, is the question to be considered. Perpetuated, you say, and give us the following gloomy perspective; impression is, that the people of the different nations of Europe will never rest until their governments are democratic, and their governments will become democratic only by a series of insurrections and wars. After the governments have become democratic, then there will spring up wars arising from the relations between capital and labor which promise to equal in ferocity the old wars of religion."

"Our

What a fearful future! How one shudders to contemplate it! Is there to be no progress, no enlightenment, no modification of old opinions and practices? Is the dead past instead of burying its dead to go on forever repeating itself? Heaven forbid, yet so it would seem if we receive this statement. Here is presented the weightiest argument that can be brought in support of war-namely, that no national change from a despotic to democratic government can be made without it. But this assertion in the nature of the case cannot be proved; and it is founded on another assumption that war always secures victory to the democratic side. Now, if history teaches anything, it is that success in war depends on other contigencies. A certain moral power belongs to an army which believes itself fighting for the right, but that alone has not been sufficient to ensure victory; and in how many cases is each party confident its cause is the right one. Giving war all the credit its most ardent friends claim, it must be admitted that its conquests have often, very often upheld wrong. Probably more successful wars have been fought for the unjust acquisition of territory and power than for any or all other causes, victory going with the strongest, not the most righteous side. Is there no other way to secure freer government? How noiselessly, steadily and yet effectually are the people of England getting power into their hands at this very time, in fact, revolutionizing their government in reality, if not in name, without shedding one drop of blood! And in a similar way, we trust, by the enlightenment of both people and rulers, the former learning how to peaceably assert their rights, the latter how to yield them in the council chamber instead of on the battle-field, are revolutions in government to be effected in the future.

And in regard to the adjustment of relations between capital and labor, what better way of ruining the interests of both could be desired than a succession of wars, sure to derange all financial prosperity? "These can only be prevented," you by convincing laborers of the truth of certain principles of political economy which they at present utterly ignore.' Precisely so, and this is exactly what peace-men hope to do by appealing to men's reason and not their brute instincts.

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They see that slowly but surely the laboring classes in one nation after another are getting enlightened, and each year makes it more probable that they will learn to accept these truths. They are confident that when the talent, energy and material resources which have been lavished on war and war like preparations, are spent in educating the masses, and instilling into all minds the truth that rich and poor, high and low, are brethren, children beloved of one common Father, there will come a better way of settling the difficulties which war so rarely does settle justly.

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of moral over material forces, and that our lower instincts be controlled by the higher and diviner ones; and surely no one can doubt that the whole spirit of the Gospel is that of peace, not war; indeed, it is hard to see how any Christian man or woman should not feel more confidence in the moral power of right than in the physical power of bullets to regenerate the world. Our amiable opponent himself prefers that method, and we only wish we could inspire him with a little more faith in its practicability, and make him see that if a thing is right, it cannot be impossible. We heartily hope he and Mr. Miles may even in this world have that pleasant "discourse on the nonsense and atrocity of war," and both cordially unite in striving to restrain the belligerent propensities of men.

Ideas move the world, materialistic as the world seems; but all new ideas, especially those compelling to any visible and great outward results are slow to gain an audience; in their beginnings, all reforms have been small and weak, often almost ludicrously so, and been mercilessly ridiculed and despised. Is this too much to expect? That nations can arrange points Slowly, almost imperceptibly, a truth makes its way into the of difference without the sword, has been shown at Geneva. public mind, but when once it has reached the world's conIs it too dreamy and visionary a thing to expect that sooner or science and roused it, then by a mighty impetus it sweeps onlater all the nations of Christendom shall become willing to ward to a triumphant success which no material force can submit their difficulties to arbitration? I am sure the kind check. Let a movement only enshrine-as we believe this of heart of him who never destroyed but one worm and three peace does-an everlasting truth, an Almighty principle, and small fishes would glow with joy at such a consummation, sooner or later it is sure to march onward to success and though even it does seem to him so impracticable and quixotic. victory. Believing this, we cheerfully labor on with a courage Education, light, love-these are the mighty forces by which that even the scepticism of good men cannot destroy.

we believe the world can be more effectually moved than by
cannon-balls; in these we have an abounding, undoubting faith,
for that right must sooner or later overcome wrong, we believe
to be as immutable a law in the moral, as gravitation is in the
natural world. We predict other and nobler victories for the
"fanatics" than they have ever won upon the battle-field.
You refer to particular periods of history, and ask what was
then to be done but go to war? Take for example our late
war, and asking what else could have been done in 1861? I
answer nothing. At that particular crisis, war was inevitable,
but peace-men claim that this and similar junctures might
have been prevented, and it is for the prevention of just such
emergencies that they labor to instil what they regard as sound
views, throughout this and every other land. When fire and
gun-powder are brought together an explosion must follow,
but keep them apart and you are safe. Now is the time to
guard against another war, not when some crisis has been forced

upon us.

Diffuse light, create an abhorence of war, make men see their true relations to each other, and that the proper remedy for wrongs is not in rousing the brutal instinct, and flying at each other's throats, but in being just, conciliatory and forbearing, and choosing peaceable remedies as the most effectual, and they will be slow to bring about that condition of things that makes war inevitable.

WAR BECOMING IMPOSSIBLE.

The one great evil of European civilization is its military system. Properly speaking, there is never peace on that continent. The best that can be obtained is an armed truce. Enormous standing armies are kept ready for instant attack or defence. Young men, the flower of each nation, are taken from productive labor, and forced to serve in the ranks. maintain the armies, debts are created which eat up the substance of the people. War and increasing debts are the two most conspicuous facts in the life of the Old World.

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At last there comes an unexpected solution. The young To escape men of Germany will not stay in the Fatherland. their liability to military service, they are migrating in great The government is alarmed, and has numbers to America. forbidden the granting of low fares to emigrants by the railways. We doubt if this will stop the exodus. It is evident that the people are weary of perpetual fighting. They are anxious to improve their temporal dition, and war keeps them ground to the very earth. They solve the problem by seeking a country where standing armies are unknown.

We have not for a long time seen so hopefnl a sign. A general pacification of Europe can only be enforced by the popular will. Kings and emperors will never consent to disarm; 99 are too dear to them to You tell us that "the most efficient peace men are clear-"the pomp and circumstance of war headed, hard-hearted statesmen and military men, who have be willingly given up. By emigration, the people, however, subdued the passions of their souls, and stand as representa- appear to be taking the question into their own hands. They tives of good sense. The folly of fighting is deeply impressed will quit the countries where war, perpetual war, depresses common people are on their understandings, whether the cause of fighting be noble their condition. The French do not migrate, because France They believe the world should be governed by is substantially a democracy, and the good sense. They are hardly capable of comprehending why owners of the soil. That the French peasantry are averse to nations should rush into war for theological dogmas, or politi- war, they have repeatedly proved. In time they will, no doubt, cal principles, or patriotic instincts, or benevolent generalities, compel a policy of peace.—Methodist. or any motive whatever, which has its seat in the human soul, as distinguished from the human understanding. By their insensibility they contrive to ward off attacks which moral enthusiasm is continually urging them to engage in."

or mean.

Reason and good sense, you own, are opposed to war, and so, we believe, is moral enthusiasm, also, when properly enlightened. Indeed, we see no reason for any antagonism between reason and the moral impulse, believing as we do that in every well-balanced character the two harmonize; the reason discerning truth, and the moral impulse inciting to right action, each helping the other in the same and not opposing

directions.

We cannot assent to the idea that "the very God of peace,' ," though he has often permitted war as well as other scourges to ravage the earth, delights in it, for surely it is in accordance with all we know of Him to suppose He desires the ascendency

DEATH OF SIR JOHN BOWRING.-Sir John Bowring, of whose death we are informed by ocean cable, has filled a very conspicuous part in the affairs of the British Empire for more than half a century. He was a member of the House of Commons at various periods from 1835 to 1849, in which year he went to Canton, as British consul, only to be promoted to the more important position as acting plenipotentiary. In 1854 he was knighted and appointed Governor, commander-in-chief, and vice-admiral of Hong Kong. He leaves behind him many works, among which are a history of Siam and an essay on decimal coinage. As chairman of the Peace Society, and as the ardent advocate of adjusting national disputes by arbitration, Sir John Bowring was a man of the widest sympathies and of value to all mankind, and his death, though it comes at an advanced age, will be generally lamented.

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. force. Our Saviour says,

BOSTON, JANUARY, 1873.

NEW YEAR'S GREETINGS.

PROSPECTS OF THE GREAT CAUSE.

The name of the year 1872 is added to the roll of the departed. A tribute to its memory is demanded. But what shall that tribute be? Shall it be one of faint praise or of exalted eulogy? In its influence upon human progress, as related to

whatever honors God, and promotes the welfare of our race, what place among all the years that are gone shall be assigned to the year 1872 ?

Doubtless the very first place. And yet, we are aware, that to many minds this answer will seem surprising, perhaps even incorrect, for the last year has been one of Peace among the nations. Its events have not been of the class that are ordinarily spoken of as exciting and entrancing like those of a period of war. The year 1872 has indeed won victories, great and grand victories. On the noble fields of discovery and invention, of the arts and sciences, of education and religion, what illustrious triumphs it has achieved! What rich stores it has added to the ever accumulating knowledge of the race! How it has increased the resources for human happiness! How it has enlarged the boundaries of freedom and Christian civilization!

But then, such victories as these are not with confusion and noise and garments rolled in blood. They are as noiseless as they are benign. Hence, by multitudes they are unappreciated, even unobserved. To many minds the sunbeam seems a tame affair and a thing utterly void of interest. But, the well instructed scientist perives in the sunbeam, in its influences and operations, so noiseless, so gentle, so sweet, a power and a sublimity, with which those of tempests and tornadoes, that rage, and roar and thunder, and strew their track with ruins, are not to be compared. Even so, to persons of the highest culture and most perfect vision there appear a fascination and a sublimity in the peaceful and noiseless development and advance of ideas and principles that exalt and bless mankind in contrast with which the much lauded romance and splendor of war are inexpressibly disgusting and horrid. Those who see things as they are, discover a renown, a splendor and a glory in the victories Peace has achieved the last year, in comparison with which the lustre of war's victories pales as the light of the star pales before the splendors of the noonday sun.

perish with the sword.'

All they that take the sword shall Institutions founded on force, shall be overthrown by force. Institutions that are to be permanent,

Institutions resting on Force moves in a differ

must be founded on truth and right. force must fall before superior force. ent sphere from truth and love, and cannot destroy them. There is no real progress except so far as truth establishes itself in men's convictions, and love rules in their hearts."

The fallacy of those who imagine war and violence are good things he exposes as follows:

"The violence incident to an epoch in Christ's kingdom is an evil. Because our own government was founded in a revolution, we are in danger of associating a revolution with glory by thinking the overturn of what has been established is in itself progress to something better. But the American revoluIt tion scarcely was a revolution in the proper sense of the term.

perpetuated the principles, and with little change, the form

of government to which the colonies had been accustomed; it only accelerated an epoch which was coming as the inevitable result of growth; only shaking the tree to hasten the fall of the ripened fruit.

"The benefits accruing are not the result of the revolution, but come in spite of the evils of revolutionary violence, because the change effected was the natural result of healthy growth. The immense majority of revolutions attempted by violence have been failures, and have hindered, rather than helped the progress of society."

In language of rare beauty he demonstrates that the progress of Christian civilization is not necessarily attended by violence. He says: "When an apple tree bursts into blossoms and covers itself with sweetness and beauty, that is an epoch in its growth. When this beauty passes away and the fruit sets, that is an epoch; in this case, attended with the falling of the blossoms, cast off because its work is done. But these epochs are peaceful, because all the organic forces in the tree are subject to its life and in harmony with each other, and the crises of its growth come peacefully, as the natural expression of the life. So in the kingdom of God, if the spiritual life is full and unobstructed, its epochs come quietly as the blooming and fruiting of a tree. The old falls away because its work is done, and The change is not less, the peacefully gives place to the new. epoch not less glorious, because it is peaceful. Revolutions and convulsions are not essential, nor desirable, in the great epochs of human progress. In general, the more completely Christian ideas rule society, the more peaceful will be the successive epochs of advancing Christian civilization.”

This is the crowning glory of the year 1872 that, during its progress, has occurred an epoch quietly and peacefully like the months a flower has opened which for a century has been mablooming and fruiting of a tree. During the last twelve

One of the most prevalent and pestilent of errors is this, that turing a winged Psyche has burst from its chrysalis which war is somehow essential to the progress of civilization. What long and silently has been preparing its birth of beauty.

a contradiction! Barbarism promotes civilization! We must depend upon Anti-Christ to exalt Christ. The increased benefits that nations, in some instances, enjoy after war, are often most improperly ascribed to war as their source.

Upon this point, Prof. Samuel Harris, of the Yale Theological Seminary, in an articie in a recent number of the Bibliotheca Sacra, has some observations so pertinent and forcible, that we gladly quote them. He says,

"The progress of Christ's kingdom is not to be promoted by

THE COST OF STANDING ARMIES. Articles like the following which we copy from the Commercial and Financial Chronicle of New York, of the 5th of October, are highly encouraging to the friends of peace, inasmuch as they show that the public mind is being enlightened as to the absurdity and folly of the present bloated armaments o Europe.

From a mass of interesting militatistics published in

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the Berlin Post, of recent date, it appears that the various European powers maintain under arms more than five millions of men in constant readiness for war, besides the reserves and militia who are subject to more or less military duty. These five millions of men, in the prime of life, represent so much labor withdrawn from the useful industries, whose aggregate production would amount to more than the total production of many important countries, as a few only of the European States have a male working population of five millions between the ages of eighteen and fifty. But this loss of production represents only a part of the aggregate loss involved. The nonproductive soldier must be paid, and productive labor must be taxed for his wages. He is also a wasteful consumer, and to feed and equip the standing armies employs the labor of at least two millions, perhaps more-of farmers, carriers and artisans, who are thus prevented from contributing to the natural welfare and prosperity of the community. When all these considerations are taken into account, some idea may be formed of the enormous cost of maintaining exclusive military systems; and when it is remembered that these systems, nominally established to insure internal peace and security from invasion, are a constant temptation to war, with its inevitable accompaniments of waste, destruction of life and property, and increase of taxation, there is reason to hope that the peoples that have long and patiently borne these increasing burdens, will soon demand that armies shall be disbanded, military establishments reduced, and international differences hereafter be settted by diplomacy.

PROGRESS OF THE CAUSE.

The cause of peace never presented a brighter phase than at the present moment. The results of the Geneva Arbitration and the settlement of the San Juan question are in the highest degree encouraging. The public press, in many of its utteris decidedly pacific, and the absurdity of the whole war system is being exposed to public gaze more effectively than ever before.

ances,

The following extract from the New York Nation, a publication of great influence, is a case in point:

THE PLATE-ARMOR AND BIG-GUN FARCE IN EUROPE.

The

tion, and is treated as unworthy of notice. Long may she be counted out of this remarkable game.

The whole Christian nation-Evangelicals, Broad Churchmen, High Churchmen, Baptists, Methodists, and Congregationalists, with a powerful reserve of Humanitarians-are racking their brains for some new mode of tearing the bowels out of Russians and Prussians, beating their skulls into small pieces, and stripping the flesh off their bones.

Nevertheless, if you were to go to London, St. Petersburg, or Berlin at this moment, assemble all the leading men of the country, and ask them whether they bore any ill-will to the If you people of other countries, they would answer no. asked them whether it was not the true policy of all nations to live in peace with each other; whether their interests were not really the same; whether the true road to national happiness was not through trade, commerce, and manufactures, they would answer with emphasis that nothing was more certain. If you asked them to explain, then, why England needed guns to punch Russian armor, or Russia guns to punch English armor, they would say that it was in order to be ready for a quarrel; but if you asked them what the quarrel was to be In short, about, not one could give you the least information. you would find that their theories were those of the leading sages and economists of modern times, while their practice is that of Fiji Islanders, and their opinions of each other hardly a whit higher than the Iroquois used to entertain of the Illinois. About three millions of men in the flower of their age are at this moment being elaborately trained, on the European continent, in the art of stealing up to other men without being seen, and dashing their brains out, or sticking long spikes into their bellies, and this at enormous expense and to the complete abandonment of all other business.

PEACE MEETINGS.

We have room to refer to only a few of those recently held. Chelsea, Sunday evening, Sept. 29, at Rev. Dr. Eddy's Church. Devotional exercises by Rev Dr. Hamilton of Illinois. Hon. Rufus S. Frost presided. Addresses by Mr. Frost, Rev. Dr. Eddy, and Rev. James B. Miles.

South Boston, Oct. 6, at Rev. Dr. Alden's Church. Hon. Edward S. Tobey presided. Devotional exercises by Rev. L. H. Angier. Addresses by Mr. Tobey, Rev. L. H. Angier and Rev. James B. Miles.

Keene, N. H., Oct. 13, at the first Congregational Church, Rev. Mr. Karr, Pastor. Devotional exercises by Rev. Dr. Eaton. Addresses by Rev. Mr. Karr and Rev. James B. Miles.

Newton, Oct, 20, at the Elliot Congregational Church,
Thomas Weston, Esq., presided. Devotional exercises by Rev.
Mr. Jones. Addresses by Mr. Weston, Hon. John C. Park,
A. 1. Benjan, Esq., and Rev. James B. Miles.

Lynn, Oct. 27, at the first Methodist Church. Hon. J. N.
Buffum, the Mayor, presided. Devotional exercises by Rev.
Dr. Newhall. Addresses by Mr. Buffum, Rev. James B. Miles,
Mitchell and Timothy
Augustine Jones, Esq., Rev. Mr.
Earle.

The contest which has been going on in Europe during the last ten years between the constructors of armor-plated ships and manufacturers of rifled cannon is, we are glad to say, It is a contest of which reaching the extreme of absurdity. the well-known New Zealand tourist will doubtless read, when he goes home to his hotel in the evening after sketching_the ruins of St. Paul's, with both surprise and amusement. French led the way in building cuirassed frigates; cur war demonstrated the impossibility of meeting armor-plated ships with wooden ones; the British then went into the business, and a considerable portion of the best brains of England, France, Prussia and Russia has ever since been engaged just in trying how heavily ships might be plated without destroying their buoyancy and manageability, and in inventing guns that would smash the plating. They first produced in England a nine-inch, twelve-ton, two hundred and fifty pounder; then a ten-inch, eighteen ton, four hundred pounder; then an eleven-inch, five hundred and thirty pounder; and at last a twelve-inch, seven hundred pounder. But Russia, Prussia, Austria, Italy and even Spain have provided themselves, or are providing themselves, with guns of precisely the same length and calibre and capacity. This may seem at first sight rather extraordinary, because one would naturally imagine that, as the object of all this gunnery is to enable each nation to smash the ships of its neighbors, they would conceal from each other the character and powers of their newest inventions. But the wonder ceases when we learn that these preparations for instant destruction are not only not carried on in secret, but each power furnishes the others on demand, in the most courteous Salem, Mass., Dec. 8, at the first Baptist Church. A notice manner, with full particulars of its latest death-dealing contrivances drawings, spe Scations, and all. America, we are of this meeting we copy from the Salem Gazette of Dec. 10. happy to say, is declar have no gun at all worth considera- Prof. Crosby, Mr. Rantoul and Gen, Cogswell, at our request,

Newport, R. I., Nov. 3, at the Central Baptist Church. Rev. B. A. Chase presided. Devotional exercises by Rev. Mr. Leavitt and Rev. Dr. Thayer. Addresses by Rev. B. A. Chase, Rev. James B. Miles and Rev. Mr. Leavitt.

Boston Highlands, Nov. 17, at the Elliot Congregational Church, Rev. B. F. Hamilton, the Pastor, presided. Addresses by Rev. Mr. Hamilton, Rev. James. B. Miles and Rev. B. A. Chase.

have kindly written out the substance of their addresses, which for attracting attention and awakening interest. I was myself
present at this conference, and give, if not its precise words.
we give below.
certainly its substance.

The Peace Meeting, held at the first Baptist Church, on Sunday evening, was very well attended, considering the rainy weather, and was deemed sufficiently encouraging to warrant an intimation, at the close, that another meeting might be held in the course of a few weeks. The general exercises, of a devotional nature, consisted of singing, the reading of Scriptural selections, and prayer,-Rev. Dr. Mills performing the last Prof. Crosby presided.

two.

ADDRESS BY PROF. CROSBY.

Mr. Crosby, in introducing the discussions of the evening, spoke of the especial appropriateness of a meeting for the cause of peace in a city whose very name means peace, and in the church of a denomination which has been one of the very foremost in the advocacy of peace principles.

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A second objection to the principles of the Society has been, that they are very good, but are impracticable; that while human nature remains as it is, with its selfishness and passions, war cannot be banished from the earth; just as if this objection did not equally apply to all efforts against intemperance, and profaneness, and licentiousness, and every vice and crime, and as if great progress had not already been made in the prevention of war, of which we have a recent illustrious example.

A third difficulty in the peace cause is that there is no proper In time for urging its principles. It is always unseasonable. time of war its advocacy is pronounced treason, and in time of peace, a superfluity. The old maxim, "In peace prepare for war," is accepted as wisdom, while the better precept, “In peace prepare against war," is condemned as folly. Now in spite ot all these difficulties and objections, a gentle

edged usefulness to devote himself to the cause of peace, and we shonld like to hear what he can say to justify himself in taking such a step. Let me give place to the Rev. Dr. Miles, the Secretary of the American Peace Society.

ADDRESS BY REV. JAMES B. MILES.

"But why hold such a meeting at all? some may ask. The cause of peace has been hemmed about by some very remark-man here present has recently left a position of great acknowlable difficulties, and most singular objections. One of the most prominent of these has been its very excellence. Its principles are so confessedly true and right and beneficent, that they have wanted to the public mind the interest which always attends keen discussion. The sweet, gentle voice of peace has not been sharp enough to make itself heard amidst the many controversies of the time. "It is a very good cause," has been the feeling if not the language of many, "but so very good that we do not care to speak or hear of it." 1 had an illustration of this, said Mr. C., only yesterday. By request of an officer of the American Peace Society, I called upon a gentleman to ask him to speak at our meeting. "I am fully in sympathy with your cause," he replied "but I should think it might be hard work to frame an argument in support of what is so selfevident."

There was a time when the American Peace Society had an opportunity of securing the advantage which arises from dispute. Upon the breaking out of our great rebellion, the question arose in its councils, what course the Society should take in respect to the great military preparations which were then going on through the loyal part of the country, for putting down the rebellion. "These are all wrong," exclaimed some ardent member of the Society, "they are entirely in opposition to our principles, and we ought to lift up our united voices like a trumpet, in their condemnation."

"But," asked others, "what is the country to do in this exigency?"

"Keep the peace," was the reply. "If our erring sisters are determined to separate from us, let them go in peace; if they are resolved to take Washington as the capital of their new confederacy, let them have it; if they should even attempt to conquer the North, and introduce slavery here, we ought to make no resistance by force of arms."

Rev. Dr. Miles, who was the first speaker introduced by Prof. Crosby, is the Secretary of the Society, and he, in expressing his pleasure at the large attendance, especially of women, spoke of the question as one that interested women and families-eight hundred having been made widows in a single engagement, in one of the Prussian organizations. The Treaty at Washington was spoken of as a victory of as much renown as one upon the battle-field; and it also shows that, while we are apt to talk of the retrograde movements of society, the doctrines of the Sermon on the Mount have made progress in the world. He spoke of the agony produced by war, the loss of life, and the immense waste of property; and of the recent treaty as having sealed a friendship betweeen the two great Anglo Saxon nations. And he also drew one or two very beautiful and striking similitudes. He also explained and commended the movement for a high court of nations to be established by international law, and to hold the same relations to the family of nations that the Supreme Court does to the United States.

ADDRESS OF REV. HUGH ELDER.

Rev. Hugh Elder of the Crombie street church, was introduced as one who might speak as representing our friends across the water; and he accordingly came forth and said that he loved both countries,-the United Kingdom and the United States,-having had his birth in the one, and a home in the other. He read, as appropriate in this connection, an extract These views provoked antagonism. "The crisis," it was from a speech recently delivered in Glasgow by Robert Low, urged, "is peculiar. Other principles must here come in. Re-Chancellor of the Exchequer, who spoke, not merely as a bellion and slavery must not be allowed to riot unopposed member of Parliament, but as representing Her Majesty's govthrough our beloved land." The controversy was growing ernment. The speech really was a very pertinent one upon the warm, and the peace cause was fast obtaining the interest subject of the Geneva arbitration, in which the British reprewhich arises from keen debate; when a cool-headed man arose sentative took occasion to enforce the idea that this subject had and said, "Brethren, you may have and urge your different been spoken of in too legal a point of view and with too little views on this question, but this is no place for the discussion. reference to its importance in establishing a basis of future Whether the action of the loyal men of the country is right or goodwill. Mr. Elder likewise read an extract from the London wrong, the American Peace Society,as such, has nothing whatSpectator, of similar peaceful purport. ever to do with the question. It was formed for the purpose of preventing war between nations, and this is what it condemns. Now there is here no such war, there is simply, to characterize it strictly, a great riot, which the government is endeavoring to put down. Though the scale of operations is so extensive, yet the principles are precisely the same as in respect to a riot in a city, which the city government is attempting to put down by police force. If the Mayor of this city were acting by force against an armed riot in the streets, the Society would not feel called upon to protest. Not a whit the more should it in this national police operation, (for it is nothing more) to arrest a vast and wicked pro-slavery riot."

This counsel prevailed, and the Peace Society lost, by the sure and moderate ground which it took, a singular opportunity

ADDRESS OF R. S. RANTOUL, ESQ.

Mr. Rantoul said the law by which the moral universe is It is little enough that men can governed is a law of progress. do for better or for worse to mould events or control results. When they do put their shoulders to the wheel, and seem to be colaborers with these great controlling moral forces, they have a right to congratulate themselves upon success. Hence it is that we are here to-night. Therefore it is that I am with you to say a word in behalf of peace. A great step has been taken in human advancement. Our contribution to it as individuals-as a nation-was something. Such strength as we had has been exerted in the right direction, and we have a right to rejoice.

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