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Earls of Devonshire and Pembroke. Sidney embraced me, 6 and asked me if I was come to see the Queen ; I told him, + I was not; and even affured him that the King knew nothing o of my voyage: I likewise entreated him, not to mention it to

the Queen, for not having had any intention of paying my « respects to her, I had no letter to present, my design being ' only to make a short tour incognito to London. Thele • Gentlemen replied smiling, that I had taken a useless pre

caution, for that probably the guard-ship had already given a signal of my arrival; and that I might quickly expect to to see a messenger from the Queen, who would not suffer

me to pass in this manner, having bút three days ago spoke • of me publicly, and in very obliging terms. Í affected to • be extremely concerned at this unlucky accident, but to

hope, nevertheless, that I might ftill pafs undiscovered,

provided that these Gentlemen would be secret as to the • place where I was to lodge; from whence, I assured them, • I would immediately depart as soon as I had taken a little

refreshment. Saying this I left them abruptly, and had but just entered my apartment, and spoke a few words to my

people, when I felt somebody embrace me from behind, * who told me, that he arrested me as a prisoner to the Queen. • This was the Captain of her Guards; whose embrace I

returned, and replied smiling, that I should efteem such im• prisonment a great honour.- His orders were to conduct me

directly to the Queen; I therefore followed him. « well, M. de Rosny,” said this Princess to me, as soon as I ' appeared, “it is thus that you break our fences, and pass on, without coming to see me; I am greatly surprised at it, for I thought you bore me more affection than any of my servants, " and I am persuaded that I have given you no cause to change

those sentiments." I replied in few words, but such as to gracious a reception required. After which I began, without any disguise, to entertain her with those sentiments the King my master had for her,

" To give you a proof, replied • the, that I believe all you have told me of the good-will of the King my brother, and of your own, I will discourse with you on the subject of the last letter I wrote to him; though,

perhaps, you have seen it, for Stafford (that is the name of « the Lord Sidney) and Edmund tell me, that the King cones ceals few of his secrets from you."

. She then drew me 'aside, that she might speak to me with the greatest freedom,

on the present state of affairs in Europe ; and this she did • with such strength and clearness, that I was convinced this great Queen was truly worthy, of that high reputation she P 2

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“ had acquired in Europe. Șhe entered into this detail, only

to thew me how necessary it was, that the King of France « should, in concert with her, begin to execute those great

designs which they both meditated against the House of Auftria. The necessity of this the founded upon the accessi

ons this house was daily feen to make: she repeated to me . all that had passed on this subject in 1598, between the King 6 and the English and Dutch Ambassadors; and asked me if < this Prince did not still continue to have the same sentiments,

and why he so long delayed to begin the enterprize?—To • these questions of Queen Elizabeth, I answered, that his ' moft Christian Majesty still continued to think of that af

fair as he always had done: that the men and money raising, and the other warlike preparations he was making,

destined to no other purpose than the execution of the ' concerted plan ; but that in France, things were far from

being in such a state, as to enable him to undertake the de

struction of a power fo folidly established, as that of the « Austrian Princes. This I proved, by the extraordina

ry expences Henry had been at since the peace of Ver( vins, as well for the general necesfities of his kingdom, as " to restrain the attempts of the seditious, and to carry on the

which he had just ended with Savoy. I did not dislem• ble with this Princess, the opinion I had always entertained

of this enterprize; which is, that though England and the « United Provinces should use their utmost endeavours to re• duce the House of Austria, unless they were affifted by all « the forces of the French monarchy, and on whom, for ma'ny reasons, the chief weight of this war must fall, the

House of Austria, by uniting the forces of its two branches, "might, without any difficulty, not only support itself against " them, but even render the balance equal; it would, there« fore, be uselefs, and even an imprudent attempt, to endea

vour to fap the foundations of so formidable a power, by the ' fame means only that serve merely to keep upon the defen• five with it: and it would be indispe:vfably necessary to defer • the attempt for some years, during which, France would " acquire all the now wanted, to enable her to strike more ef

fectually the blow that was preparing for the common enemy; and would, in conjunction with her allies, endeavour

to engage the neighbouring Princes and States in their design, • the Princes of Germany especially, who were more imme

diately threatened by the tyranny of the House of Austria.

It was easy for the Queen of England to comprehend, by . the manner in which I expreffed myfelf, that these were not

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fo much my own as Henry's sentiments which I communicated to her; and the gave me to understand as much, by

confessing that they appeared so just and reasonable to her, " that she could not avoid adopting them : adding only, that ( there was one point on which all the parties could not be too • foon agreed, which was, that the ultimate view of the in• tended combination being to confine the power of the « House of Austria within just bounds, it would be necessary

that each of the allies should so proportion all his desires or expectations, which he might conceive in consequence of the event, as that none of them might be capable of giving

umbrage to the rest: suppofing, for example, that Spain ' should be deprived of the Low Countries, neither the whole

nor any part of this State was to be coveted, either by the • King of France, or the King of Scotland, who would one

day become fo of Great Britain ; nor yet by the Kings of • Sweden and Denmark, already fufficiently powerful by sea

and land, to make themselves respected by the other allies ;

and that the same conduct ought to be obferved with regard ' to all the other spoils that might be taken from the House of

Austria, by those Princes whose dominions should happen to be nearest to the conquered countries; “ For if my brother, the King of France,” said she, should think of mak" ing himself proprietor, or even feodal Lord of the United Pro" vinces, I fould never consent to it, but entertain a most violent jealousy of him; nor should I blame him, if, giving " him the same occasion, he should have the same fears of me.

These were not the only reflections made by the Queen of England; she said many other things, which appeared to

me so just and sensible, that I was filled with astonishment 6 and admiration. It is not unusual to behold Princes form

great designs ; their sphere of action so forcibly inclines " them to this, that it is only necessary to warn them of the

extreme, which is, the projecting what their powers are so • little proportioned to perform, that they scarce ever find

themselves able to execute the half of what they proposed; " but to be able to distinguish and form only such as are rea

fonable; wisely to regulate the conduct of them; to fore"fee and guard against all obstacles, in such a manner, that ( when they happen, nothing more will be necessary, than to " apply the remedies prepared long before. This is what few · Princes are capable of. Ignorance, prosperity, luxury,

vanity, nay, even fear and indolence, daily produce schemes, to execute which there is not the least possibility. Another cause of surprize to me, was, that Elizabeth and Henry

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« having never conferred together on their political project, • should agree so exactly in all their ideas, as not to differ

even in the most minute particulars.'

From the above extracts it may appear, that the preservation of the ballance of power, how chimerical soever it may sometimes be efteemed, has long employed the thoughts, and directed the views of some of the wiseft Princes that ever reigned. This grand design, projected between Henry and Elizabeth, was, by her Majesty in this conference with our Author, reduced to these five principal points. The first < was, to restore Germany to its ancient liberty, in respect

to the election of its Emperors, and the nomination of a

King of the Romans. The second, to render the United • Provinces absolutely independent of Spain ; and to form

them into a Republic, by annexing to them, if necessary, • some provinces dismembered from Germany. The third,

to do the same in regard to Switzerland, by incorporating ' with it some of the adjacent provinces, particularly Alsace " and Franche-Compté.' The fourth, to divide all Christen« dom into a certain number of powers, as equal as may be. · The fifth, to reduce all the various religions in it under • those three which should appear to be most numerous and 6 considerable in Europe.'

This project, however plausible in speculation, was never actually carried into execution: nor, indeed, was it possible that it ever should, without such an effusion of innocent blood, as would scarce be expiated by any political considerations whatsoever. Besides, the death of Queen Elizabeth, which happened anno 1603, was an insurmountable obstacle to the execution of a design, in which she was to have borne fo confiderable a part.

The death of this great Queen (Memoirs, vol. II. p. 155.) was an irreparable loss to Europe, and to · Henry in particular, who could not hope, in the successor

of Elizabeth, to find the same favourable disposition to all « his designs as he had in this Princess, the irreconcileable enemy

of his irreconcileable enemies, and a second self : such were the terms which Henry made use of in a letter he wrote to me on this event, which was almost wholly filled with the

praises of this great Queen, and expressions of sorrow for « her loss.'

After the death of Queen Elizabeth, Henry was desirous of bringing her fucceffor, James I. into his own views ; for which purpose Sully was sent Ambassador into England, and had many conferences with the King and his Ministers upon that subject; but as an account has already been given of this

Embassy

Embafly in the fourth volume of our Review, p. 409, we shall not repeat it here, but refer our readers thither; where they will also find a short sketch of Henry's grand political defign, the explanation of which takes up the whole thirtieth book of Sully's Memoirs. But as an entire stop was put to the execution of that design, by the untimely death of the Great Henry, who was stabbed in his coach by Ravaillac, May 17, 1610, we shall add nothing more upon that subject, but refer for a complete account thereof to the work itself, which abounds with such a profusion of political knowlege as will amply compensate for all the time spent in a careful perusal, and proper digestion, of its valuable contents.

The Character of Henry, as drawn by the pen of Sully, may probably be thought the most proper conclusion of our Review of the Life of a Prince, who has had the title of GREAT universally ascribed to him. After advertising his readers not to expect a particular relation of that execrable crime, the murder of Henry, from him, in whom the thoughts of it were attended with such horror, that he turned his eyes as much as posible from the deplorable object, and his tongue refused to pronounce the name of that abominable monster, who perpetrated the horrid act; he adds-

« Such, however, was the tragical end of a Prince, on whom nature, with a lavish profusion, had bestowed all her advantages, except that of a death such as he merited. His stature was so happy, and his limbs formed with such proportion, as constitutes not only what is called a well-made

man, but indicates strength, vigour, and activity; his com• plexion was animated; all the lineaments of his face had that

agreeable liveliness which forms a sweet and happy physiognomy, and perfe&tly suited to that engaging easiness of man

ners, which, tho' sometimes mixed with majesty, never " lost the graceful affability, and easy gaity, so natural to

that great Prince. With regard to the qualities of his heart • and mind, I shall tell the reader nothing new, by saying, that "he was candid, sincere, grateful, compassionate, generous, ' wise, penetrating; in a word, endowed with all those great

and amiable qualities which in thefe Memoirs he has fo ofren s had occasion of admiring in him.--He loved all his subjects

as a father, and the whole state as the head of a family: and this disposition it was, that recalled him even from the midst of his pleasures, to the care of rendering his people happy,

and his kingdom flourishing: hence proceeded his readiness ' in conceiving, and his industry in perfecting, a great num

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