the Charem which looks into the Seraglio garden, and entered a large apartment, called Chalved Yiertzy, or, as the French would express it, Salle de promenade. Here the other ladies of the Charem en tertain themselves, by hearing and seeing comedies, farcical representations, dances, and musick. We found it in the state of an old lumber-room. Large dusty pier-glasses, in heavy gilded frames, neglected and broken, stood, like the Vicar of Wakefield's family picture, leaning against the wall, the whole length of one side of the room. Old furniture; shabby bureaus of the worst English work, made of oak, walnut, or maboga ny; inlaid broken cabinets; scattered fragments of chandeliers; scraps of paper, silk rags, and empty confectionary boxes, were the only objects in this part of the palace.

"From this room we descended into the court of the Charem; and, having crossed it, ascended, by a flight of steps, to an upper parterre, for the purpose of examining a part of the building appropriated to the inferior ladies of the Seraglio. Finding it exactly upon the plan of the rest, only worse furnished, and in a more wretched state, we returned, to quit the Charem entirely, and effect our retreat to the garden. The reader may imagine our consternation on finding that the great door was closed upon us, and that we were locked in. Listening, to ascertain if any one was stirring, we, discovered that a slave had entered to feed some turkeys, who were gobbling and making a great noise at a small distance. We profited by their tumult, to force back the huge lock of the gate with a large stone, which fortunately yielded to our blows, and we made our escape.

"We now quitted the lower garden of the Seraglio, and ascended, by a paved road, towards the chamber of the Garden of Hyacinths. This promised to be interesting, as we were told the Sultan passed almost all his private hours in that apartment; and the view of it might make us acquainted with occupations and amusements, which characterize the man, divested of the outward parade of the Sultan. We presently turned from the paved ascent, towards the right, and entered a small garden, laid out into very neat oblong borders, edged with Porcelain, or Dutch tiles. Here no plant is suffered to grow, except the Hyacinth; whence the name of this garden, and the chamber it contains. We examined this apartment, by looking through a window. Nothing can be more magnificent. Three sides of it were surrounded by a Divan, the cushions and pillows of which were of black em

broidered satin. Opposite the windows of the chamber was a fire-place, after the ordinary European fashion; and on each side of this, a door covered with hangings of crimson cloth. Between each of these doors and the fire-place, appeared a glass-case, containing the Sultan's private library; every volume being in manuscript, and upon shelves, one above the other, and the title of each book written on the edges of its leaves. From the ceiling of the room, which was of burnished gold, opposite each of the doors, and also opposite to the fire place, hung three gilt cages, containing small figures of artificial birds: these sung by mechanism. In the centre of the room stood an enormous gilt brazier, supported, in an ewer, by four massive. claws, like vessels seen under sideboards in England. Opposite to the entrance, on one side of the apartment, was a raised bench, crossing a door, on which were placed an embroidered napkin, a vase, and bason, for washing the beard and hands. Over this bench, upon the wall, was suspended the large embroi dered porte-feuille, worked with silver thread on yellow leather, which is carried in procession when the Sultan goes to mosque, or elsewhere in publick, to contain the petitions presented by his subjects. In a nook close to the door was also a pair of yellow boots; and on the bench, by the ewer, a pair of slippers of the same materials, These are placed at the entrance of every apartment frequented by the Sultan. The floor was covered with Gobelins tapestry; and the ceiling, as before stated, magnificently gilded and burnished. Groupes of arms, such as pistols, sabres, and poignards, were disposed, with very singular taste and effect, on the different compartments of the walls; the handles and scabbards of which were covered with diamonds of very large size: these, as they glittered around, gave a most gorgeous effect to the splendour of this sumptuous chamber.

"We had scarce ended our survey of this costly scene, when, to our great dismay, a Bostanghy made his appearance within the apartment: but, fortunately for us, his head was turned from the window, and we immediately sunk below it, creeping upon our bands and knees, until we got clear of the Garden of Hyacinths. Thenee, ascending to the upper walks, we passed an aviary of nightingales.

"The walks in the upper garden are very small, in wretched condition, and laid out in worse taste than the fore court of a Dutchman's house in the suburbs of the Hague. Small as they are, they constituted, until lately, the whole

of

of the Seraglio gardens near the sea; and from them may be seen the whole prospect of the entrance to the canal, and the opposite coast of Scutary. Here, in an old kiosk, is seen a very ordinary marble slab, supported on iron cramps: this, nevertheless, was a present from Charles the Twelfth of Sweden. It is precisely the sort of sideboard seen in the lowest inns of England; and, while it may be said no person would pay half the amount of its freight to send it back again, it shews the nature of the presents then made to the Porte by foreign princes. From these formal parterres we descended to the gardener's lodge, and left the gardens by the gate through which we entered."

The Second Chapter contains an account of a magnificent procession:

"One of the great sights in Constantinople is the Procession of the Grand Signior, when he goes from the Seraglio to one of the principal mosques of the city. At the opening of the Bairam, this ceremony is attended with more than ordinary magnificence. We were present upon that occasion; and although a detail of the procession would occupy too much space in the text, it may be deemed unobtrusive, perhaps interesting, as a note: (for which we refer the Reader to the Original.)

"Our Ambassador invited us, on the preceding evening, to be at the British palace before sun-rise; as the procession was to take place the moment the sun appeared. We were punctual in our attendance: and being conveyed, with the ladies of the Ambassador's family, and many persons attached to the embassy, in the small boats which ply at Tophana, landed in Constantinople, and were all stationed within the stall of a blacksmith's shop, which looked into one of the dirty narrow streets near the Hippodrome, through which the procession was to pass. It was amusing to see the Representative of the King of Great Britain, with his family and friends, squatted upon little stools among horse shoes, anvils, old iron, and horse-dung. Upon his first arrival, some cats, taking alarm, brought down a considerable portion of the tiling from the roof; and this, as it embarrassed his party, excited the laughter of the Turks in the neighbourhood, who seemed much amused with the humiliating figure presented by the groupe of Infidels in the smithy.-We had not been long in this situation, before the Janissaries, with their large felt caps and white staves, ranged themselves on each side of the street leading to the mosque; forming an extensive line of

sallow-looking objects, as novel to an Englishman's eye as any in the Turkish empire. About a quarter of an hour before the procession began, the Iman or high priest, passed, with his attendants, to the mosque, to receive the Sultan. They were in four covered waggons, followed by twenty priests on horseback. The procession then began, and continued, according to the order given below. Afterwards, it returned in the same manner, although not with the same degree of regularity.

"When the ceremony concluded, the Grand Signior, accompanied by the principal officers of state, went to exhibit himself in a kiosk or tent, near the Seraglio point, sitting on a sofa of silver. We were enabled to view this singular instance of parade, from a boat stationed near the place; and, after the Sultan retired, were permitted to examine the splendid pageant brought out for the occasion. It was a very large wooden couch, covered with thick plates of massive silver, highly burnished. I have little doubt, from the form of it, as well as from the style in which it was ornamented, that this also constituted a part of the treasury of the Greek emperors, when Constantinople was taken by the Turks.

It

"Among the misrepresentations made to strangers who visit Constantinople, they are told that it is necessary to be attended by a Janissary, in the streets of the city. In the first place, this is not true; in the second, it is the most imprudent plan a traveller can adopt. makes a public display of want of confidence in the people, and, moreover, gives rise to continual dispute when any thing is to be purchased of the Turks; besides augmenting the price of any article required, exactly in the proportion of the sum privately exacted by the Janissary, as his share of the profit. Another misrepresentation is, that a firman from the Grand Signior is requisite to gain admission to the Mosque of St. Sophia; whereas, by giving eight piastres to the person whose business it is to shew the building, it may be seen at any time."

28. Jopp on the Constitution and Repre sentative System.

(Continued from Part I. page 550.)

IT was our intention to have given our Readers a comprehensive view of this instructive volume, by making an analysis of the whole; but as many articles are waiting insertion, and many authors have the same claim on our attention, we are reluctantly compelled to pass over a considerable

`part

part of the work, which would have afforded much information on the subject of the Constitution, and the Representative System. We therefore reluctantly confine our remarks to the Author's animadversions on Mr. Wyvill, the Friends of the People, and Sir Francis Burdett.

"Mr. W. and Sir F. after his example, have stated that corruption and degeneracy grew rapidly after the Revolution; but the illustration adduced falls far short of the purpose. Mr. Wyvill says, 'But, after that event, the struggle with corruption became more and more arduous, from the rapidity of its growth; and yet from the effect of the miserable manœuvres alluded to, the strength of its antagonist was in a state of continual decline. By these means the command of votes, in a multitude of boroughs, has been gradually engrossed by one powerful patron. In many other instances, an influence has been obtained by two or three families, by whose union the right of free election bas been equally annihilated. In England, it is probable, that not less than 50 boroughs have been enslaved in the last age.'

Mr. Jopp thus exposes the fallacy of Mr. W.'s reasoning in favour of a Reform of Parliament:

"This was probably explanatory, and in illustration of the heavy charge of influence, exhibited to the House of Commons by a society of gentlemen calling themselves the Friends of the People; they tendered proofs which they were pretty certain could not be received. Mr. Wyyill goes a step further. The publications of the reformers, which so boldly assert the degeneracy of the House of Commons as now elected, and thereupon vilify its character and proceedings, furnish (as far as I observe) but few passages containing any thing like proof of the imputed change, and this is the only one that seems worthy of notice. Admitting, however, for the sake of argument, that the above positions were true, yet they prove no degeneracy. They show (if all that is stated, is admitted), that in an age, after high and important power had been, by various events, confirmed to the House of Commons; when riches were increased and

diffused-when society was generally improved, and even the superior orders became more enlightened; they show, that under such circumstances, in a nation where a participation in the Legislature was to be conferred by election, gentlemen of condition became ambitious of the distinction of being returned to Parliament; that characters of rank and opulence considered the partiality or favour of the corporation of a Parliament borough, as an honourable attainment to the cadets and collateral branches of their families. And when all this was accomplished, what was the woeful change?-where was the national danger or disadvantage? The old practice was to send, bona fide, burgesses, residents in the different towns, persons, whose property and credit together could not, perhaps, extend beyond the contents of their shops; to these suc ceeded gentlemen of education, intelligence, and fortune. gentlemen, who could buy many houses with the contiguous lands and titues-who could accumulate navigation-shares, and purchase coal-mines; and who could contribute to the trade and convenience of a poor burgage-tenure borough; or, if there licited that some one of its relations or was a corporation, a powerful family so

connexions should be admitted a burgess, and thence have a voice or influence in the election of the members for Parliament: this is the amount of the mighty grievance which Mr. Wyvill ostentatiously laments. He shows no other corruption :-this is the unconstitutional, the dangerous practice! and hence the degenerate representatives! But it is alleged, that a command of the election is obtained-by whom? By persons who become owners of the houses and adjoining property of every description. But there is no longer any choice left for an election, and whoever is proposed by these rich people is returned. What does this amount to? The burgage tenants, who, if their houses were ever their own, have sold them, are thereby deprived of their elective franchise: this is their grievance. If, in any age, the inhabitants, as full proprietors of their tenements, sent inembers to Parliament by that right, they have lost it, in like manner as a freeholder selling his land, sells his right to vote for a county mem

ber.

ber. Then as to corporate towns: the relation of a noble family is admitted one of their body; he is a person every way superior to them: he engages their respect, acquires their esteem; is able to confer or obtain favours, and, at last, commands their gratitude; presents himself, or a friend, as a candidate to represent the borough or city, and is returned.

"This, I think, is as much as Mr. Wyvill contends for, in what seems to be intended as an account of the progress of degeneracy and corruption since the Revolution." (P. 346.)

Mr. Jopp next adverts to the state of the Representation at the Revolution; and whilst he notices Mr.W's as sertions as entire misrepresentations, and considers the celebrated Patriot as actuated by a desire of promoting disturbance and disaffection, he uniformly writes as a Gentleman.

The Author's observations on the grievances contained in the petition to the House of Commons, by the Friends of the People, are well deserving attention: they shew him to be an acute observer, and to possess a mind capable of discovering and exposing duplicity and misrepresenta tion. After remarking on the nature of that petition, and the Address to the People of Great Britain, he proceeds:

"These gentlemen brook not to have their motives examined, or their assertions questioned; but, doubting the zeal of their adversaries for the welfare of the Constitution-they ask, 'How are we assured that, in praising the Constitution, their intention is not to adorn a victim which they wish to sacrifice, or to flatter the beauty they are endeavouring to corrupt? Let their intention be what it may, we answer their accusation in the words of one of the wisest of mankind: that time is the greatest innovator; and if time of course alter things to the worse, and if wisdom and counsel shall not alter them to the better, what shall be the end?'

"This was so far well, and from no mean authority; but the sentence did not justice to the great man whose suggestion was pretended to be conveyed, and whose opinion was most egregiously mutilated by that brief citation. He adds much wise precept on the subject of changes in Government, and after the expressions just given, continues:

It is good also not to try experiments in States, except the necessity be urgent, or the utility evident; and well

to beware that it be the reformation that draweth on the change; and not the desire of change that pretendeth the re formation.' Such are the comprehensive views, the prudent and instructive counsel of Lord Verulam (Essay on Innovation); but the friends of the people did not choose to impart so much." (P. 371.)

"There is another part of this Peti tion which seems too important to be left unnoticed. It has been a pretty general practice with the partisans of popular Reform, to hold out to the people, among the other blessings to flow from the projected changes, a diminution of the public expences, a lessening of the national debt. What the views of the taxes, and sometimes a reduction of the Friends of the People were in these respects, does not precisely appear; but towards the conclusion of their Petition, they introduced the subject, and gave a statement of the progressive increase of the debt, with a corresponding notice ' of the number of statutes found necessary to preserve the freedom and inde pendence of Parliament, to regulate elections, and to prevent frauds, bribery, &c.' To which they added: "It is upon the evidence of the increase of taxes, establishments, and influence, and the

increase of laws found necessary to repel the increasing attacks upon the purity and freedom of elections, that your petitioners conceive it high time to inquire into the premises.'

"While we inquire, whether, in truth, the views of this society, and those who now follow them, are not innovations-whether their intentions be to restore, not to change-to reinstate, not to displace; we shall at the same time discover that the measures proposed to remedy their complaints, would not, in fact, have that effect, neither would they leave the Constitution on its true principles and original grounds.'

"The Friends of the People proposed, at first, no specific remedy in their petition; but the meaning of their numberless complaints is proved to have pointed to nothing short of a sweeping measure of destruction to all the laws and usages of Parliament; in effect the same as Sir F. Burdett has recently brought forward, grounded evidently on their publications. If this should be doubted, the fact will clearly appear from a comparison of their declaration of 30th May, 1795, signed William Smith,' with Sir Francis's propositions. These are but a little, if at all, more comprehensive, and some what more boldly explained.

"It will not require much consideration to discover what change the system proposed

proposed by Sir F. Burdett, would make in elections. He does not pretend to suggest any preventive against candidates spending their money, nor does he say how a change is to be operated in the known disposition of the people to take money, to eat, drink, and be riotous yet he asserts at once that, under his plan, there would be no bribery, perjury, drunkenness, nor riot: leading attornies galloping about the country, lying, cheating, and stirring up the worst passions amongst the worst people-no ill blood engendered between friends and relations-setting families at variance, and making each county a perpetual depository of election feuds and quarrels:-no demagogueing.'

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no

"We are not told how these evils are to be prevented, otherwise than by the mere consequence and effect of his plan, which, he says, is simple, and the true Constitution of England.”

Mr. Jopp briefly enumerates the heads of the plan, and then makes the following apposite remarks:

"Now the principal grievance in elections arises out of the great sums of money which candidates are too frequently disposed to expend upon them; and from an inspection of the laborious statement of the Friends of the People, on the conducting of elections, it will appear that almost the whole of the expence goes to lawyers of different descriptions, travelling charges of agents and voters, their maintenance and com

pensation for trouble and loss of time. Let it then be supposed that in an election for a borough, to which the nonresident voters must be conveyed, and taken back to their abodes, money to the amount of 4000 guineas for that particular purpose may be requisite. The sum might, perhaps, bring 360 voters to the poll: but, if it were expended in distinct elections, it would probably induce upwards of 3500 persons to vote; and when it is considered that there could be no farther expence of petition or scrutiny, an additional sum would probably not be withheld, as the contest would be decided by numbers on the poll. What then would hinder gentlemen from spending, in the different parishes or districts, all the money they are now disposed to lay out in the way just mentioned, or in burgage-tenure purchases, or in property adjoining or connected with parliamentary towns? Would not all the excesses of contested elestions, now confined to those towns, be multiplied in every parish and in every village? Would not the worst GENT. MAG. September, 1812.

passions and the worst people be excited in a ten-fold degree to excess? Would not a new and more extensive scope for election feuds be laid open, by the addition of indigent voters, prepared by example for corruption? and would not the funds which the very same measure would enable candidates to extend to that object, make every parish, instead of every county, the depository of election quarrels? Would not the complaints against returning officers, who would be all parish officers, be increased a thousand fold? Would not all the bribery, drunkenness, and riot of a Westminster or Middlesex election, be carried into the recluse and happy villages in every corner of the kingdom? Such would be some of the predominant features of the change!" (P. 381.)

It would have been much more satisfactory to us, because it would have been, in no common degree, gratifying to our Readers, could we have spared room to have made a regular analysis of the work before us they would then have clearly seen how the Constitution, from an almost shapeless mass, has been gradually improved to the unparalleled form it now exhibits: they would have clearly seen that it is not, as is industriously misrepresented, deteriorated, but improved, and improving. The perusal of the volume will afford much information to the Politician; if prePossessed in his opinions, he may by it be taught candour; if open to conviction, he may be led to renounce

error and embrace truth. It is written with so much temper, and the author seems upon every occasion so wholly devoted to the cause of truth, that whilst he removes all suspicion of party zeal, he claims our attention, and engages our confidence. It is proper to add, that he uniformly professes himself a friend to a partial and judicious reform.

Mr. Jopp never leaves his readers in doubt; he always gives his autho rities and unless Mr. Wyvill and Sir Francis Burdett demonstrate that his authorities are unworthy of credit, which, we think, they will scarce attempt to do, the country will, necessarily, be of opinion, that these zealous Patriots have, intentionally, endeavoured to mislead it. Should an opponent feel the courage to enter the list, declamation will not, we trust, be substituted for argument,

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