or remorse. A ftanding parliament, which it is the object of this bill to establish, has been faid to resemble a standing pool, the waters of which grow for want of fresh and free current, offenfive and fetid. But the present parliament may more juftly be compared to a torrent, which, in its furious and foaming course, defolates the land, bearing down all the landmarks and ancient mounds which have been raised to confine it within its regular and accustomed banks."

After a variety of able fpeeches from the most distin-` guished members on both fides of the house, fir Robert Raymond, afterwards lord Raymond, and chief justice of England, concluded the debate with a comprehensive reply to the arguments in favor of the bill, and a masterly recapitulation of the objections urged against it, of which the multifarious particulars that demand a place in general hiftory will fuffer only a concise and curfory mention.-"The arguments for the bill were, according to the enumeration of this able speaker, 1. The expences attending frequent elections; 2. The divifions and animofities excited by them; 3. The advantages to be derived by our enemies from thefe domeftic feuds ; 4. The encouragement which this bill holds out to our allies to form with us more ftrict and permanent connections. As to the expences of election, they were, he acknowledged, of late years, most alarmingly increased, and were become very grievous and burdenfome. They have increased, however, not from the contefts of neighboring gentlemen with each other, but from the intrufion of ftrangers, who have no natural intereft to fupport them, and coming no one could tell from whence, have recourse to the fcandalous arts of bribery and corruption, which have imposed a neceffity upon gentlemen to enlarge their expences, in order to preserve their ancient and established interests in their refpective counties; and the impunity which the practice of bribery and corruption had too often met with in that houfe, he was compelled to

add,

add, had greatly enhanced the evil. But would any one affert that feptennial parliaments were competent to remedy this evil? Would they not rather increase it? For thofe that will give money to obtain a feat in parliament for three years, will give proportionably more for feven. No --not feptennial, but annual parliaments are the true conftitutional remedy for this grievance: this was our ancient conftitution, and every departure from it has been attended with inconvenience and injury. With refpect to the animofities and divisions attending frequent elections, they are chiefly of a private nature, and little affect the public: fuch as they are, however, this bill is more calculated to inflame than to extinguish them. But our molt alarming and pernicious animofities proceed certainly from a very different source---from the refentment and ambition of fome, from the folly and prejudice of others. That our enemies will take advantage of our divifions whenever it is in their power cannot be doubted; but fince the triennial act paffed, ten fucceffive parliaments have fat, two long and bloody wars have been waged, our factions ran high, and our enemies were vigilant; yet no fuch inconveniences were felt as are now apprehended or alleged: nor were any attempts made by them, as far as I have heard, to our prejudice during the temporary ferments of thofe elections. The laft argument is deduced from the encouragement this will give to your allies to enter into treaties with you. Sorry fhould I be to suppose we had any allies who refused to treat with us because we refused to relinquish our conftitution were fuch a requifition to be made to them on our part, would it not be rejected on theirs with contempt and indignation? But the measure now propofed is calculated not to ftrengthen the hands of the executive power, but to leffen its influence with foreign nations. Is it not to proclaim to the world that the king dare not to call a new parliament? that he dare not to trust the people

in a new choice? And is not this a fuppofition difhonorable alike to the monarch and to the parliament now existing? It prefumes that another houfe of commons would act differently from the prefent, which implies that this house does not truly reprefent the people. Frequent parliaments are coeval with the constitution. In the reign of Edward III. it was enacted, that parliaments should be holden every year once, and oftener if need be. This must be understood of new parliaments; for prorogations and long adjournments were not then known. Every long interruption of parliaments has been attended with mischief and inconvenience to the public and in the declaration of rights at the Revolution it is afferted, as the undoubted right of the subject, that parliaments should be held frequently; and the preamble of the bill, which we are now called upon to repeal, declares, that by the ancient laws and statutes of the realm frequent parliaments ought to be held, and that frequent NEW parliaments tend very much to the happy union and the good agreement of the king and his people. Before this repeal takes place, I hope it will be fhewn in what confifts the error of those affertions. Would the king establish his throne in the hearts of his people, this is the most fure and effectual way for such frequent appeals to the people generate confidence, and confidence is a great advance towards agreement and affection. Will not the people fay with reason, if this bill fhould pafs, that when the original term of delegation is elapsed, you are no longer their representatives? In my opinion, with great submission I speak it, king, lords, and commons, can no more continue a parliament beyond its natural duration than they can make a parliament. The wifest governments, it is well known, have ever been the most cautious in continuing thofe perfons in authority to whom they have entrusted the fupreme power. A standing parliament and a standing army are convertible, and fit instruments to fupport each other's powers. For these reafons, and because no ftate of neceflity can be alleged or

pretended

.

pretended for the paffing of fuch an act, at a time when the prefent parliament may be convened for two fucceeding feffions, I fhall give my vote against the commitment of the bill." On a divifion, the question of commitment was carried in the affirmative by a majority of 284 against 162

voices.

While this memorable bill was pending in the house, various petitions were presented against it: one, in particular, from the borough of Horsham, ftating, "that they looked upon this bill as an overturning of the constitution, and an infringement of their liberties," gave fuch an offence, that the house refused to receive it; and the general question, that this bill do now pass, was carried in the affirmative by a triumphant majority of 264 votes against 121; and on the 26th of June, 1716, it received the royal affent, the king expreffing in his speech the fatisfaction he felt at the profpect of a fettled government, fupported by a parliament which had shewn such zeal for the prosperity of their country, and the proteftant interest of Europe. And his majesty now deeming himself in a state of perfect fecurity, and being, by an act paffed in the last session, relieved from the difagreeable embarrassment of a clause in the act of fettlement, reftraining him from leaving the kingdom without the consent of parliament, determined to revifit his dominions in Germany, the state of affairs on the continent demanding his most serious attention.LOUIS XIV. king of France, had terminated his long career, in the course of the preceding fummer, September 1, 1715. For more than half a century, this monarch had reigned the dread and envy of Europe, and at no period fince the foundation of the monarchy had France difplayed fuch power or fplendor. During the continuance of the feudal fyftem, the authority of the monarch and the collective force of the monarchy were reftrained and diminished by the independent authority vested in the nobles. When the regal authority was at length fully restored, and established,

by

*

by the infiduous and profound policy of Louis XI. the power of France was for a series of years eclipfed by the fuperior greatnefs of the houfe of Auftria. But at the ac ceffion of Louis XIV. the pride of that haughty family had been fignally humbled by the genius of Richelieu and the arms of Gustavus. Thus, by the dangerous policy of the laft century, France was left without a rival, and Louis XIV. foon fhewed himself of a disposition to improve and extend that fuperiority to its utmost limits. Vain, unfeeling, unprincipled, haughty, ambitious, the ruling paffion of his life was the thirst of GLORY. * For this he fcrupled not to facrifice the repose of nations, and to deluge Europe in blood. A profpect of the internal state and condition of France under his government difcovers an amazing contraft of magnificence and wretchedness. In religion, a malignant and mercilefs bigot, he forced from their native homes, by the violence of his perfecution, myriads of the most industrious and virtuous of his fubjects, the lofs of whom France yet feels and laments. From the impreffion made, nevertheless, by the firft rapid glances of history, his character appears in a variety of dazzling and impofing points of view. He was poffeffed of strong natural powers of mind, and of great perfonal accomplishments. He was generous, affable, condescending, a munificent patron, and rewarder of merit. Under his reign, great characters were formed, great public works both of ornament and utility constructed. Science and the arts flourished under his aufpices, and a new Auguftan age appeared. He sustained the adverse fortune of his later years with firmness

and

In a letter written by Louis to the count D'Estrades, ambassador at the court of London, January 1662, he declares that the king of England, and his minifter Clarendon, do not as yet fufficiently know him-that he aims at GLORY, preferable to any other confideration-that all motives of intereft are as nothing to him in comparison of a point of honor-and that he fhall always be ready to hazard all, rather than tarnish that GLORY at which he aims, as the principal object of all his actions,