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last to be silent, dies gradually out over the face of the fields. The general murinur fades away, and one hears hardly a sound except what comes from the villages and hamlets, in which, up till far into the night, there are cries of children and barking of dogs. Silence wraps me round; everything seeks repose except this pen of mine, which perhaps disturbs the rest of some living atom asleep in a crease of my note-book, for it makes its light scratching as it puts down these idle thoughts. Let it stop, then ! for all I write, have written, or shall write, will never be worth setting against the sleep of an atom.- From Maurice's Journal ; translated for Fraser's Magazine.
THE BROTHER'S DEATH.
No, my beloved one, death shall not separate us, it shall not remove you from my thoughts. rates only the body ; the soul, in place of being there, is in Heaven, and this change of dwelling takes away nothing from its affections. O, my friend, Maurice, Maurice, are you far from me? Do you hear me? What are those regions where you now are? What is God, so beautiful, so good, who makes you happy by His ineffable presence, unveiling for you eternity ? You see what I wait for, you possess what I hope for, you know what I believe. Mysteries of the other world, how profound you are, how terrible you are, but how sweet you sometimes are ! yes, very sweet, when I think that Heaven is the place of happiness. All my life will be a life of mourning, with a widowed heart, without intimate union. I love Marie, and
my surviving brother much, but it is not with our sympathy.From Eugénie's Journal; translated for the Edinburgh Review.
GUERNSEY, ALFRED HUDSON, an American historian and biographer, born at Brandon, Vt., in 1828. After receiving a common-school education, he became clerk in a village store, where he had access to a good library of English books. He then studied at the Oneida Institute, a manual-labor school near Utica, N. Y., connected with which was a printing-office, where he learned type-setting. Four years afterward he entered the Union Theological Seminary, New York, supporting himself by occasionally working at his trade. After graduating, he entered the employment of Harper & Brothers as a corrector of the press, and became one of their literary advisers. When Harper's Magazine was started he went upon its editorial staff, where he remained nearly twenty years, contributing numerous articles, and writing the “Monthly" Record of Current Events. In 1873 he became an associate editor of Appleton's American Cyclopædia, to which he contributed many articles in History and Biography, including nearly all of those relating to the Civil War in the United States. The publishers of THE UNIVERSITY OF LITERATURE have, by special arrangement, availed themselves of much valuable matter formerly published in Alden's Cyclopædia of Universal Literature, which was edited mainly by Mr. Guernsey, and which is now out of print. Besides editorial work,
and frequent contributions to periodicals, he has written History of the Great Rebellion, in conjunction with Henry M. Alden (1863–67); The Spanish Armada (1878); Thomas Carlyle: His Theories and Opinions (1880); Ralph Waldo Emerson, Philosopher and Poet (1881), and The World's Opportunities and how to Use Them (1884).
THE OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR.
We have now traced the origin and described the development of the great conspiracy against the Union, fortifying our statements by a copious array of documentary, evidence.
We have shown how, after forty years, it culminated in the Great Rebellion. We have depicted the great uprising of the North to oppose that Rebellion. Henceforth * it remains to tell the story of the War for the Union. We are to show how a peaceful people, whose armies had for generations numbered only a few thousand men, found itself suddenly transformed into two great military nations, equipping and bringing into the field the greatest armies of modern times. We shall have to tell of great victories and of great defeats-of disasters overcome and of opportunities thrown away. We shall unduly praise no man because he strove for the Right; we shall malign no man because he fought for the Wrong. We shall endeavor to anticipate the sure verdict of afterages upon events in which we have a deep personal interest. Whether in the end, we shall have to speak of a Nation made strong by the sharp trial through which it will have passed, or of that Nation broken and shattered, the future must unfold.
We may consider this war to have fairly begun on the 8th of February, 1861, when the Southern Confederacy-consisting of the seven States which had formally seceded from the Union—was formally inaugurated. All that had before been done was the isolated action of disaffected individuals and local com
* This, and the succeeding extract, were written early in 1863.
munities. From that moment these individuals and communities became formidable by the league into which they had entered, and by the further accessions upon which they might reasonably count. The die was cast when the Confederacy was formed. All previous steps might have been retraced ; now, nothing was left but to submit the question to the arbitrament of strength, and to abide the consequences.—History of the Great Rebellion.
THE CONFEDERACY AND THE UNION.
The eleven States of which the Confederacy finally consisted had a white population of five and a half million, leaving twenty-one and a half millions in the Union. But it was confidently believed at the Southand for a time feared at the North—that Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri would join the other slaveholding States. This would bring the white population of the Confederacy up to eight millions, leaving nineteen millions to the Union. These anticipations and apprehensions have not been realized, although the Confederates have received much support from individuals in these States, and Kentucky and Missouri have been formally admitted as members of the Confederacy, and are represented in its Congress.
But besides their free population, the Confederate States contained three and a half millions of slaves ; and there was room for a wide difference of opinion as to the influence of this class upon the military resources of the Confederacy.
The North believed that the slaves, instead of adding strength to the Confederacy, were an element of positive weakness. Not only, said they, is society so constituted that from more than three-eighths of the able-bodied population, not a soldier can be raised for the army or a dollar for the treasury, but they are, from their very condition, so hostile to their másters, that a large portion of the whites must remain at home to keep the blacks in subjection. The march of a Union army into the South will be the signal for a general servile uprising
The South denied all this. They affirmed that their domestic institution gave them power, as a military na. tion, altogether beyond their mere population. In every State, they said, there must be men who rule, and, if need be, fight; and others who hold the place of servants and laborers. Everywhere else in the civilized world these two classes merge into each other so gradually that no one can draw the line between them. With us the line is clear and palpable. Every black man knows that he is a laborer, and can never be anything else ; he is to work, not to vote or hold office. Every white man feels that he is a ruler to-day, and may be a soldier to-morrow. Under our institutions so completely is the ordinary labor of life performed by the slaves, that every able-bodied white man could take the field at a week's notice, and everything would go on as before. Try this at the North : take three-fifths of your men of military age from their farms and their workshops, and everything would come to a stand-still in a month. There is no danger of an uprising of the slaves. If they were disposed to rise, they have no means of arming themselves, or of acting in concert. Besides, they have no disposition to rise. They have been for generations so trained to obedience, that the women, the old men and boys, who cannot take the field, will be amply able to keep them in subjection.
There was something of truth in both these representations. For a short war, to be waged abroad, or even upon the frontiers of the country, slavery, as the event proved, undoubtedly gave great facilities for raising and equipping an army. There is probably no other nation of eight millions who could raise from nothing the armies which the Confederacy has brought into and maintained in the field. The habits of the people furnished the basis for a military organization. The population was almost entirely rural. New Orleans was indeed a great city, with a population of 170,000 ; there were three or four other cities with a population of from 20,ooo to 50,000 ; beyond these there was hardly a town with more than 5,000 inhabitants. Of the rural population, every man had a gun, most of them a horse ; and there were few who were not to a good degree expert