tition granted. We shall there discover, that to impose a tax on foreign grain, would not only be succeeded by an instantaneous rise in the value of our home productions, but that it also would engender an evil that would "grow with its growth, and strengthen with its strength :" it would extend its fatal influence to our posterity; nor could it, when once brought into existence, and suffered to live but for one year, be afterwards destroyed without manifest injustice. Let us therefore guard ourselves against being precipitated into an obligation, which, when once pledged, will be so fenced round with right, that, however injurious may be its operation, it cannot be cancelled. Experiments on government are always dangerous; it is like trifling with the great elements of nature. A Franklin may draw electricity from the heavens, though a Richmann was sacrificed for so audacious an attempt. An act of the legislature that should raise the price of grain, would also raise the value of land; so that every farm after the passing of such an act, would be hired at a rent as much greater than its former, as the price of grain is dearer. Hence it is evident, that, ultimately, no one would be benefited but the land-owner, and no one at present but the long-lease occupier. The tenant whose lease is about to expire would gain nothing; and, as I have just said, all the advantages would, ultimately, go into the pockets of the land-owner. Here is presented some matter for reflection, which, in the first place, clearly proves that the petition is calculated to produce even to its promoters, a temporary good only, if all the advantages they dream of were to succeed it. In the next place it points to an hereafter, and demonstratively declares, that to grant this petition, will be to confirm a precedent for its repetition; for when all, or the greater part of the present leases shall expire, and consequently it will be necessary to renew them at a considerable increase of rent, there will be wanted fresh protecting duties to cover such increase; and in this progression will the evil continue to advance to the end of time, every fourteen or sixteen years being pregnant with a fresh petition, founded on claims and principles equally as just as the preceding. Thirdly, it shows us who these petitioners are, and the circumstances of their situation, which, united, develope the mystery of this vehement solicitude about protecting prices. Let them stand forth, and if there be one man among them zealous in the cause, whose lease will expire before another harvest, I will then acknowledge that that man is a fool. No, they are all, every individual of them, either little land-owners, or long-lease occupiers. I say little land-owners; for there is not one large land-owner to be found in the catalogue; not one nobleman, not one titled gentleman. Is it because they would derive no advantage from it? Quite the reverse; they would derive advantages

as much greater than all others, as their estates are greater; but there is not one of them pressing forward for its adoption. Is not this a gratuitous act of liberality which demands the gratitude of the nation? Can the integrity of parliament in any way be so clearly and openly evinced, as in thus determinately opposing a measure which would enrich themselves, and which might be complied with without exposing them to the charge of being actuated by sinister motives? But no; they are conscious of the sufferings it would entail on millions of their fellow-countrymen, and contentedly sacrifice their own peculiar good on the altar of the public.

Having thus explained away the claims of the petitioners, as those claims are stated to depend on the principle of promoting public good, and incontestably shown, that they are incompatible with their private advantage, (I speak of them here as the great body of farmers in the kingdom, and not a few little land-owners and longlease occupiers,) I shall now proceed to prove, that even if the situation of the agriculturist really were surrounded with the difficulties he enumerates, he would then not have been entitled to our protection. This is meeting the question in every shape. The truth of this last position will appear manifest, when it is recollected that the subject of protecting prices is not a novelty of the present day. Every farm that has been hired, I say every one, without an exception, has been hired when no more protecting price existed than now exists, and without any assurance on the part of government, that a protecting price would ever be granted. He who speculated on the probability of such a grant, has no more right to complain now, than every other speculator who finds his prospects defeated. It presumed on what might never happen. If a protecting price had existed] for the last fifty years, and, consequently, farms had been hired under the consideration that such protecting price would be continued, then to have annulled it, might have occasioned some reasonable complaints: but if government is to step forward, and countenance and encourage such speculation, we may justly apprehend, that the agriculturist of the present day is anticipating some vast concessions to be made hereafter, and that, warranted by the present example, he will then say, I expended my capital in such an agricultural undertaking, and I maintained such an establishment, (although it was doubtful whether the prosperity of the one would be adequate to the maintenance of the other, such reflections scarcely having ever entered into my mind) for I calculated, in case of failure of my schemes, on the liberality of government to protect me from suffering for my folly. In the year 1819 (though I hope this year will not have to record the stigma) my agricultural predecessors thus addressed themselves to the legislature, and although they had no better claims to protec

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tion than I have, yet those claims were attended to, and granted. Can any thing be imagined more contrary to the spirit of justice on the one hand, or of policy on the other? But that they may neither plead such excuse for the past, nor justification for the future, let us ask, whether any one can be so weak as to suppose, that if all the cultivated land of England were destitute of to-day, that it would remain so till to-morrow, because government have not sanctioned a prohibitory duty on foreign grain? or even if government were to declare openly that they never would? Under such a tacit acknowledgment every farm has been hired, every one of the petitioners entered on his concern, and, under such acknowledgment, farms are now every day receiving new tenants: and, so far from there being a deficiency of candidates for occupancy, their number is so great as, by competition, to raise the rental of land much beyond what it otherwise would be. Every acre finds an occupier, and no doubt under a conviction and prospect of deriving a fair remuneration for his capital and labor. Who, if the condition of the agriculturist were as unpromising as the petitioners state it to be, who, I say, would be so eager to obtain a farm? who would rush on certain and obvious ruin? It contradicts the motives of human conduct, and makes every one of the advocates of the petition stand self-accused of injustice, of avarice, or of self-deception. There is one particular in their case which, if not clearly explained, and properly understood, may mislead the public judg ment concerning the propriety of the manner in which the petition has been received by the parliament. They complain that they have been prejudged; that their statements have not been heard; that they are dismissed without an opportunity of establishing their claims. These are fine themes for declamation-the very cream of pathetic eloquence, which may be whipped into the syllabub of airy oratory at their public meetings and associations, but which, like the froth of the syllabub itself, shrinks into its almost nothingness before the breath of reason. Let us ask, what there is now so extremely intricate in the subject of a protecting price, to require tedious investigations, and to justify the attention of parliament? The question has already been thoroughly examined, repeatedly discussed, the country is still sore with it; and, besides, almost every member of the house is connected with agriculture, and ought to know more of the matter, as he has better documents, and more extensive sources of information, than these petitioners; they are also most insterested in the question. It would enrich them; they know it; but with a disinterestedness which reflects infinite credit on their proceedings, they do not entertain the subject. It would stir up a spirit of resistance in the country, on which it would now be painful to dwell. But we are told, that parliament lends its car

to the merchant, and manufacturer. True; and without such an attention, how would it be possible to know any thing of the condition of either? There is perhaps not one, and certainly not twenty, manufacturers in the whole house, and therefore information can be derived from no other source than that of an examination of those who are manufacturers out of the house: besides this, if encouragement were given to one petition, I mean such a one as that which is now presented, and whose merits are well understood without discussion, would that stop the rage for petitioning, even if it were shown, as clearly as the sun at noon-day, to be grounded on false principles and interested views? Would it not rather increase it? Another set of petitioners would arise, possessed of a belief of having clearer heads, or better arguments than their predecessors, and would adduce that first encouragement as a precedent to be heard themselves. Nor would the dismissal of a second repress the mania, when golden dreams are expected to be realised by the success of a favorite object. In thus delivering my sentiments on the subject of petitioning, I would wish to be understood to speak particularly, as having none other in view than that now under consideration, and not generally as being adverse to a free exercise of that constitutional right on every other occasion. If the present petition were now supported by the enlightened and opulent part of the country; if plausible reasons had been submitted to the public in the periodical works of the day; if there were any variation of opinion concerning it among the great bulk of the people; if the promoters of it had not a direct, obvious, and sole interest in it; then I will allow, that they ought to have been heard; and I am very certain that they would not only have been heard, but that every indulgence would have been granted, difficulties would have been met, and resolutions have been passed to the satisfaction of all.

As I have now destroyed every plea which has been urged to justify the measure, so I cannot better conclude these observations than by addressing myself to those agriculturists whose leases are short, and who have no estate of their own. I would advise them to reflect on the consequences of this petition-it is pointedly mischievous to them. Protecting prices will inevitably raise their rents when they renew them, and therefore they will be obliged to meet a worse competition in their neighbour, who has a long lease, or an estate, than they now meet in the foreign grower, inasmuch as the one is before them, and the other remote. They will not be able to afford their productions so low, nor keep an establishment so great. They will be exposed to the heart-burning vexations which will arise from finding themselves degraded in the scale of society, and those insolently assuming authority over them, who

lately were their equals. These are not imaginary consequences: they must follow the success of the petition; and therefore it behoves the short-lease occupiers to unite in a firm opposition to it, to represent to their neighbours the injury it will call down upon them, and to remonstrate with the petitioners themselves on the partiality and injustice of their views. If all these fail, let them present a counter-petition to parliament; and that circumstance alone will completely abash their enemies, and secure a glorious triumph over their wicked designs.

DECIUS.