FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Dear Sir,

Grosvenor Square, Jan. 21, 1786.

On Wednesday the Chevalier de Pinto informed me that he had written to Lisbon for explanations from his Court upon certain points; that he expected an answer in a few days, and that as soon as he should receive it, he would call upon me and proceed in the negotiation: that, in the mean time, he would not disguise from me the solicitude of his Court to send a minister to Congress. Etiquette forbids that the Court of Portugal should send an Ambassador, Minister Plenipotentiary, or Envoy to America, until the United States would agree to send one of equal rank to Lisbon. But if Congress had any reasons for not sending Ministers of so high an order, they might send a resident, or Chargé d'Affaires. I answered him, that I had heard it was the intention of Congress to send a Consul, but that I could say no further.

Lord Carmarthen on Thursday told me he was at work upon an answer to my memorial concerning the posts, and should complete it as soon as he could collect some further information concerning the debts, of the obstructions to the payment of which, the Ministry had received complaints from persons in this country, who were interested in them; you may conclude from this, as well as I, what kind of answer it will be. I am very glad that I am to have an answer. Whatever it may be, it will lead to further eclaircissement and a final accommodation. Yet I think the answer will not come before the spring. It will take eighteen months more to settle all matters, exclusive of the treaty of commerce.

Mr. Eden has said within a few days, that he believed there would be a treaty of commerce with the United States of America, within a year or two. He may wish to be employed in it, for however sanguine he may be of his success at Versailles, I shall lose my guess if he ever accomplishes a commercial treaty with that Court. He may however. This nation would now crouch to France for the sake of being insolent to us. The disposition to crush the weak is almost always attended with that of cringing to the strong; arrogance to inferiors is ever servile to superiors. But a treaty with France, such as she would accept, would be hurtful to such numbers, and raise such an opposition, that I cannot yet believe Mr. Eden will be permitted to sign one. The term of two years is expired, and Del Campo, has done nothing. Crawford is returned without doing any thing, as I suppose.

The true secret of the appointment of Mr. Eden, as I conceive is the Court of Versailles was offended, that Crawford was not allowed to do any thing and used some sharp expression which intimidated the Ministry. Eden was appointed for two ends, first, to appease the wrath at Versailles, and secondly, to keep up a mysterious delusive hope in the English nation. Perhaps too, the Ministry are afraid of commercial speculations between France and Ireland. These conjectures are precarious, and no great stress should be laid on them.

With great respect, &c.

JOHN JAY.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Dear Sir,

Grosvenor Square, January 26, 1786.

Give me leave to introduce to you John Anstey, Esquire, Barrister at Law and a member of Parliament, who goes out by authority to verify the claims of the loyalists, as they call themselves. I believe it to be the design of Mr. Pitt to pay their demands which shall be found to be supported, and withdraw their pensions and then leave them to seek their fortunes. In such a case, if our States repeal their laws against them, they will generally return to their old homes, or to some other part of the United States, where they must become good citizens or be completely insignificant.

By Mr. Anstey, I send you the King's speech and the debates upon it. The most remarkable thing in them, is, that the King and every member of each house has entirely forgotten, that there is any such place upon earth as the United States of America. We appear to be considered as of no consequence at all, in the scale of the world. The next thing observable is, that administration and opposition are agreed in turning their thoughts to a confederation with Russia and Denmark, in which they wish to get the Emperor to join, as a balance to the confederation, between the House of Bourbon and Holland, to which they suppose Sweden attached.

They are agreed also in the fact, that there is a surplus of revenue in the Treasury, and, therefore, that the resources of the country are inexhaustible. You may perhaps smile at this inference, but they are very grave. I do not know whether we ought not to wish that

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they may succeed in their project of connexions with Prussia and Denmark, and the Emperor too; because, when one part of Europe shall become thus formally pitted against the other, probably both sides may begin to recollect that there is such a power as the United States of America, and that she has some influence. Congress may, in such a case, take more time to deliberate whether it is necessary for them to engage at all, and if it should appear inevitable, they may make better terms.

In the mean time, it is much to be wished, that a friendly settlement could be made with Spain, and that a Minister might be sent to Holland, whose inhabitants are the most cordial friends we have in Europe.

I have had an opportunity this week of conversation with the Marquis of Lansdown and Lord Abbington, his friend and admirer. They appear to me to be as far from having adopted any decisive system relative to us, as Mr. Pitt or Mr. Fox. This conversation has removed every expectation that there will be any party, or even any individual in parliament in favor of a liberal commerce with us.

The United States, therefore, have no choice left. They must support their own navigation or have none. With great and sincere esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

Office for Foreign Affairs,

May 4, 1786.

Since the 22nd February, which was the date of my

last letter to you, I have been honored with yours of

the 4th, 5th and 11th November, and 2nd, 6th, 9th, 12th and 15th, and one of December last, and also of 4th, 21st and 26th January, 1786. All of them have been laid before Congress, from whom I have no instructions to say any thing more on the subjects of them, than what you will find in my letters to you of the 1st instant; this is to be imputed to there not being so many States convened in Congress as are necessary to decide on matters of that kind, for since last autumn, when the new election took place, they have not had nine States on the floor for more than three or four days, until this week; there are nine at present and more are expected, so that I hope more attention now will be paid to our foreign affairs, than has been the case for many months past.

Your and Mr. Jefferson's joint letter, dated 2nd and 11th October last, with the Prussian treaty, has been received, and I have reported a ratification of it, which, when agreed to, shall, without delay, be transmitted. The printed papers herewith transmitted, will give you some idea of our affairs; the proposed impost gains friends, and the legislature of this State has passed an act in its favor, rather in compliance with the popular opinion, than that of a majority in the house; it differs, however, from some material parts in the recommendation of Congress, and it is not certain that in its present state it will be accepted. As this letter will go by the packet I avoid minute details. I hope by the next private ship to write more circumstantially, especially as it is probable that Congress will by that time have concluded on several matters respecting foreign affairs, which have long been, and now are, under their consideration.