the benefit of America as well as of France, if the measures are calculated upon the honest old principle of "live and let live." But if another maxim is adopted, "I will live upon your means of living," or another still worse," I will half starve, that you may quite starvė," instead of rejoicing at it, we must look out for means of preserving ourselves. These means can never be secured entirely, until Congress shall be made supreme in foreign commerce, and shall have digested a plan for all the States. But if any of the States continue to refuse their assent, I hope that individual States will take it separately upon themselves, and confine their exports and imports wholly to ships and mariners of the United States, or even to their own ships and mariners of the United States, or, which is best of all, to the ships and mariners of those States which will adopt the same regulations; I should be extremely sorry, however, that there ever should be a necessity of making any distinction between the ships and mariners of different States. It would be infinitely better to have all American ships and seamen entitled to equal privileges in all the thirteen States; but their privileges should be made much greater than those of foreign ships and seamen. With great respect, &c. JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, November 1, 1785. Dear Sir, My last to you was of the 14th ult; by the ship Betsy, Captain Thomas Watson; since that time I have had the VOL. IV.-37 pleasure of receiving and laying before Congress your despatches of the 6th, 8th, and 10th August, last. We concur so perfectly in sentiment respecting public affairs and what ought to be done, that I find no occasion to enlarge on those heads. In a late report, I have called the attention of Congress to this serious question, viz: whether the United States should withdraw their attention from the ocean, and leave foreigners to fetch and carry for them, or whether it is more their interest to look forward to naval strength and maritime importance, and to take and persevere in the measure proper to attain it. The diversity of opinions on this point renders it necessary that it should be well considered and finally decided. The eastern and middle States are generally for the latter system, and though the others do not openly avow their preferring the former, yet they are evidently inclined to it. Hence it is, that the most leading men in Congress from that quarter, do not only not promote measures for vesting Congress with power to regulate trade, but, as the common phrase is, throw cold water on all such ideas. Having few or no ships of their own, they are averse to such duties on foreign ones as will greatly advance the price of freight, nor do they seem much disposed to sacrifice present profits, for the sake of their neighbors who have ships and wish to have more. We hear much of the Algerines having declared war against the United States; none of our advices are official, but as the intelligence comes directly from Nantes, Bordeaux and L'Orient, there seems to be much reason to fear that it is true. The public papers herewith sent, will inform you of our common occurrences; and I wish it was in my power to tell you what Congress mean to do respecting many matters on which they are to decide. The representation is at present slender, and will, I suspect, continue so till the new members come on. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN JAY. FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS. New York, November 1, 1785. Dear Sir, I have the honor of transmitting to you, herewith enclosed, an act of Congress of the 13th ult. respecting British claims and encroachments on our eastern boundaries, and instructing and authorizing you to take proper measures for amicably settling the disputes thence arising. You will also find, herewith enclosed, the several papers and documents refered to in the act, and of which a list is hereto subjoined. It also appears to me expedient to send you copies of two reports which I have made to Congress respecting these matters, not for your direction; but that you may thereby be fully informed of my sentiments on this interesting subject. With great and sincere regard, &c. No. 1. No. 2. List of papers herewith enclosed. No. 3. Copy of a resolve of the legislature of Massachusetts, 6th and 7th July, 1784. No. 4. Copy of the report of Generals Lincoln and Knox, 19th October, 1784. No. 5. Copy of the deposition of John Mitchell, 9th October, 1784. No. 6. Extract of a letter from John Adams, Esquire, to Lieutenant Governor Cushing, 25th Oc tober, 1784. No. 7. Copy of a letter from Governor Hancock to Governor Parr, of 12th November, and Go vernor Parr's answer, of 7th December, 1784. No. 8. Copy of a letter from Rufus Putnam, Esquire, to the committee of Massachusetts, 24th December, 1784. No. 9. Copy of the deposition of Nathan Jones, of 17th March, 1785. No. 10. Copy of a letter from Governor Carleton to Governor Hancock. No. 11. Copy of a report of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 22d September, 1785. No. 12. Copy of a letter from James Avery, Esquire, to the Governor of Massachusetts, 23d Au gust, 1785. No. 13. Copy of an act of the Council of Massachusetts, 9th September, 1785. No. 14. Copy of a letter from the Governor of Massachusetts to the Governor of New Brunswick, 9th September, 1785. FROM THOMAS CARLETON TO JOHN HANCOCK. St. Johns, New Brunswick, June 21, 1785. } Sir, In consequence of a letter from your Excellency to the Governor of Nova Scotia, which has been transmitted to his Majesty's Ministers, respecting the boundary between this province and the State of Massachusetts Bay. I have it in charge to inform your Excellency that the great St. Croix, called the Schoodiac by the Indians, was not only considered by the Court of Great Britain as the river intended and agreed upon by the treaty to form a part of that boundary; but a numerous body of the loyal refugees immediately after the peace, built the town of St. Andrews on the eastern bank thereof, and in fact, it is the only river on that side of the province of either such magnitude or extent, as could have led to the idea of proposing it as a limit, between two large and spacious countries. In making this communication concerning a point of great public importance, I cannot entertain a doubt, Sir, of your Excellency's concurrence with me in contributing to the complete observance of the treaty subsisting between Great Britain and the United States of America, as far as may, in any instance, immediately respect the State of Massachusetts; and the province of New Bruns |