The Secretary of the United States for the Department of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred a letter of the 8th instant from his Excellency the Governor of Massachusetts to the Delegates of that Commonwealth in Congress, reports,

That in his opinion the answer of the Governor to Captain Stanhope's first letter was perfectly proper; that the Captain's reply was highly disrespectful; and being so, that such measures might have been adopted as the laws prescribe for asserting the dignity of government in such cases.

He is further of opinion, that two things are essential to the respectability of government. 1. That it should be always in the right; and 2. That it should never be opposed or ill-treated with impunity. To these ends, its own internal power (in such cases as the present) is, or ought to be adequate, and therefore a recurrence to a foreign sovereign to resent and punish affronts to such government, committed under its eye and within its jurisdiction, appears to your Secretary a departure from that self-respect, which on such occasions should invariably be observed, except indeed where such indignities are offered by Ambassadors.

If these principles are well founded, then it will follow as a necessary consequence, that no complaint or application for redress should be made by Congress to his Britannic Majesty on the subject in question.

But as America and Britain are at peace, and in that sense friends, it is to be presumed that disrespect to one from officers of the other must be offensive to the sovereign of such officers; inasmuch as such conduct tends

to irritate and alienate the good will of the other. Under this view of the matter your Secretary thinks it would be proper to transmit these papers to the Minister of the United States at the Court of London, and to instruct him to communicate them to the British Minister, and to assure him,

1. That nothing but a desire to avoid increasing the irritation, which the late war may have produced in the two nations could have restrained the governor, from resenting the indecent conduct of Captain Stanhope, in a severe and exemplary manner.

2. To assure him, that Congress are persuaded that such behavior must give no less displeasure to his Majesty than it does to them; and that as all sovereigns must in a certain degree be affected by the conduct of their servants, Congress think that the justice due to his Majesty calls upon them to lay this information before

him.

3. That Congress flatter themselves that this instance of delicacy and moderation will be ascribed to its proper motives, and be considered as evincive of a desire to prevent animosity and promote mutual good-will.

Your Secretary also thinks it would be proper to trasmit a copy of this report to the governor of Massachusetts, and to assure him that Congress consider the dignity of each of the States as inseparably connected with that of the union. And therefore that it shall on every occasion experience their care and attention.

Resolved, That Congress agree to the said report. Ordered, That a copy of this report, together with the foregoing letters, be transmitted to the executives of the several States.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, July 19, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Give me leave to propose for your consideration, and to request you to submit to the decision of Congress, whether it would not be proper that some measures should be taken to furnish your Ministers abroad with the laws of the several States, and more especially with such laws as may have a relation to external commerce, or any other foreign affair.

Information of this kind will be wanted at every Court, but more particularly here, and at this critical period. Our fellow citizens here, from all the States, have been very civil to me, in furnishing me with all the lights in their power, and this will ever be the case, it is to be hoped, wherever you have a Minister; yet all the lights which individuals abroad can furnish, will be imperfect, though ever so carefully collected by a Minister, without the continual assistance of Congress and the States. I have been lately obliged to a fellow citizen (captain C. Miller) for the laws of New York, of the second meeting of the eighth session of the legislature, amongst which, to my great satisfaction, I find the United States, in Congress assembled, vested, for fifteen years, with powers to prohibit any goods, wares or merchandize from being imported into, or exported from, any of the United States, in vessels belonging to, or navigated by, the subjects of any power with whom the * * * States shall not have formed treaties of commerce; and also with powers of prohibiting the subjects of any foreign State, Kingdom or Empire, (unless authorized by treaty) from

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importing into the United States, any goods, wares or merchandizes, which are not the produce or manufacture of the dominions of the sovereign whose subjects they

are.

I read this act with pleasure, because it is very nearly all that is wanting. The legislature of New York have avoided giving to the United States the power of imposing, equalizing or retaliating duties, and I cannot say that they are not right in this, although it is very probable such duties will be indispensable. Such duties, if laid by any State, should be laid by all; and if the States will, in such cases, respect the recommendations of Congress, this may be sufficient. If we enter into treaty with England, how shall we manage this subject? shall we stipulate that Britain shall pay in our ports no higher duties than the most favored nations shall pay, in return for her stipulating that Americans shall pay in her ports no higher duties than the most favored nation pays? This would be unequal, because the most favored nation pays in British ports much greater imposts, than the nation the most favored by the United States pays in our ports. If we enter into such stipulation, the consequence will be, that, in order to form an equality, we must impose enormous duties, not only upon British subjects, but upon all other nations. For example, the most favored nation pays in England upon oil, eighteen pounds three shillings sterling per ton. If we attempt to equalize and retaliate, we must lay on the amount of this upon the importation of goods from all other nations, a measure that may be very inconvenient to us, should we not then endeavor to obtain a stipulation, that Americans shall pay in British ports,

no higher duties than British subjects? No doubt, to obtain this, we must stipulate that Britons shall pay in our ports no higher duties than our citizens, and even this will be unequal, because that duties in general are higher in England than in America. This, however, cannot be avoided, and as it is our felicity, we have less cause to repine at it. But if the British Ministry should refuse to go farther than the mutual privilege of the most favored nation, we shall have no remedy but in equalizing duties, which it will be absolutely necessary to lay on, in order to do ourselves justice; this cannot be done, but by a concert of all the States; if such a concert can be effected by recommendations of Congress, so much the better, if it cannot; I see no other remedy but to give Congress the power.

This nation relies upon it, that our States can never accomplish such a concert, either by giving Congress the power, or by complying with their recommendations. Proofs of this are innumerable. Lord Sheffield's writings; the constant strain of all the writings in the newspapers; the language of conversation; the report of the Committee of Council; but above all, the system adopted by the Duke of Portland's administration and uniformly pursued by him and his successor, Mr. Pitt, are a demonstration of it; for although many express a contempt of the American commerce, (and I am sorry to say that even Lord Cambden has lately said, that while they had a monopoly of the American trade, it was a valuable thing, but now they had not, thought very little of it.) Yet those of the Ministry and nations who understand any thing of the subject, know better, and build all their hopes and schemes, upon the supposition of such