There is a germ of schism in the pretensions of Paris, to form its municipal establishment, independently of the authority of the nation. It has not yet proceeded so far as to threaten danger. The occasion does not permit me to send the public papers, but nothing remarkable has taken place in the other parts of Europe. I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

Dear Sir,

Paris, August 9, 1789.

Since your last, of March the 27th, I have only written that of May the 8th. The cause of this long silence on both parts, has been the expectation I communicated to you, of embarking for America. In fact, I have expected permission for this, every hour since the month of March, and, therefore, always thought, that by putting off writing to you a few days, my letter, while it should communicate the occurrences of the day, might be a letter of adieu. Should my permission now arrive, I should put off my departure till after the equinox. They write me that my not receiving it, had proceeded from the ceasing of the old government in October last, and the organization of the higher departments in the new, which had not yet taken place when my last letters came away. Bills had been brought in, for establishing departments of Foreign Affairs, Finance and War. The last would

Mr. Jay would

certainly be given to General Knox. probably have his choice of the first and second; and it

was supposed Hamilton would have that which Mr. Jay declined. Some thought Mr. Jay would prefer and obtain the head of the law department, for which, Wilson would be a competitor. In such a case, some have supposed C. Thompson would ask the foreign affairs. The Senate and Representatives differed about the title of the President. The former wanted to style him "His Highness, George Washington, President of the United States, and Protector of their liberties." The latter insisted and prevailed, to give no title but that of office, to wit: "George Washington, President of the United States." I hope the terms of Excellency, Honor, Worship, Esquire, will forever disappear from among us, from that moment. I wish that of Mr. would follow them. In the impost bill, the representatives had, by almost an unanimous concurrence, made a difference between nations in treaty with us, and those not in treaty. The senate had struck out this difference, and lowered all the duties. Query, whether the representatives would yield? Congress were to proceed, about the last of June, to propose amendments to the new constitution. The principal would be, the annexing a declaration of rights, to satisfy the minds of all, on the subject of their liberties. They waited the arrival of Brown, delegate from Kentucky, to take up the receiving that district, as a fourteenth State. The only objections apprehended, were, from the partizans of Vermont, who might insist on both coming together. This would produce a delay, though probably not a long one.

To detail to you the events of this country, would require a volume. It would be useless too, because those given in the Leyden gazette, though not universally true,

have so few and such unimportant errors mixed with them, that you may give a general faith to them. I will rather give you, therefore, what that paper cannot give, the views of the prevailing power, as far as they can be collected from conversation and writings. They will distribute the powers of government into three parts, legislative, judiciary and executive. The legislative will certainly have no hereditary branch, probably not even a select one (like our Senate.) If they divide it into two chambers at all, it will be by breaking the representative body into two equal halves, by lot. But very many are for a single house, and particularly the Turgotists. The imperfection of their legislative body, I think, will be, that not a member of it will be chosen by the people directly. Their representation will be an equal one, in which every man will elect and be elected as a citizen, not as a distinct order. Query, whether they will elect placemen and pensioners? Their legislature will meet periodically, and set at their own will, with a power in the executive to call them extraordinarily, in case of emergencies. There is a considerable division of sentiment whether the executive shall have a negative on the laws. I think they will determine to give such a negative, either absolute or qualified. In the judiciary, the parliaments will be suppressed, less numerous judiciary bodies instituted, and trial by jury established in criminal, if not in civil cases. The executive power will be left entire in the hands of the King. They will establish the responsibility of Ministers, gifts and appropriations of money by the National Assembly alone; consequently a civil list, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, freedom

of commerce and industry, freedom of person against arbitrary arrests, and modifications, if not a total prohibition, of military agency in civil cases. I do not see how they can prohibit altogether, the aid of the military in cases of riot, and yet I doubt whether they can descend from the sublimity of ancient military pride, to let a Mareschal of France with his troops, be commanded by a magistrate. They cannot conceive that General Washington, at the head of his army, during the late could have been commanded by a common constable to go as his posse comitatus, to suppress a mob, and that Count Rochambeau, when he was arrested at the head of his army by a sheriff, must have gone to jail if he had not given bail to appear in court. Though they have gone astonishing lengths, they are not yet thus far. It is probable, therefore, that not knowing how to use the military as a civil weapon, they will do too much or too little with it.

war,

Understand

I have said that things will be so and so. by this, that these are only my conjectures, the plan of the constitution not being prepared yet, much less agreed to. Tranquillity is pretty well established in the capital, though the appearance of any of the refugees here would endanger it. The Baron de Besenval is kept away; so is M. de la Vauguyon. The latter was so short a time a member of the obnoxious administration, that probably he might not be touched were he here. Seven princes of the house of Bourbon, and seven Ministers, fled into foreign countries, is a wonderful event indeed.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Sir,

Paris, August 12, 1789.

I

I wrote you on the 19th, 23rd, 29th of the last, and 5th of the present month. The last occasions not having admitted the forwarding to you the public papers, I avail myself of the present, by a gentleman going to London, to furnish you with them to the present date. It is the only use I can prudently make of the conveyance. shall, therefore, only observe, that the National Assembly has been entirely occupied since my last, in developing the particulars which were the subjects of their resolutions of the 4th instant, of which I send you the general heads.

The city is as yet not entirely quieted. Every now and then summary execution is done on individuals, by individuals, and nobody is in condition to ask for what, and by whom. We look forward to the completion of the establishment of the city militia, and that which is to restore protection to the inhabitants. The details

from the country are as distressing as I had apprehended they would be. Most of them are doubtless false, but many may still be true. Abundance of chateaux are certainly burnt and burning, and not a few lives sacrificed. The worst is probably over in this city; but I do not know whether it is so in the country, nothing important has taken place in the rest of Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TH: JEFFERSON.