after the Conquest of Mexico. says 143 bition not difficult, however, for Cortes to have revoked the B. XIV. orders he had already given on this subject; and, Ch. 2. in a letter to the Emperor, dated the 15th of The prohiOctober, 1524, he that he has made certain enforced by ordinances, of which he sends a copy to His Cortes. Majesty. The copy has been lost, but the orders manifestly related to this subject of encomiendas. He intimates that the Spaniards are not very well satisfied with these orders, especially with one which prevented absenteeism, compelling them, to use the strong expression of Cortes, "to root themselves in the land."* He seems to have been aware that these ordinances rather contradicted what he had formerly said to the Emperor: for, after advising their confirmation, he adds, that for new events there are new opinions and counsels; "and, if in some of those things which I have said, or shall hereafter say to Your Majesty, it shall appear to you that I contradict some of my past opinions, let Your Excellency believe that a new state of things makes me give a different opinion." when Thus was the question of encomiendas in Mexico again unsettled; and there were, as usual, Question various opinions about it. Meanwhile, the opinion settled of the Valladolid Junta was adopted in instruc- Ponce de tions sent out to places of minor importance; in 1526. and, as regards Mexico, when Ponce de Leon was * " De algunas de ellas los pensamientos de se haber con Españoles, que en estas partes estas Tierras, como se han residen, no estan muy satisfechos, habido con las Islas, que antes en especial de aquellas, que los se poblaron, que es esquilmarlas, obligan á arraigarse en la Tierra, y destruirlas, y despues dejarlas." porque todos, ó los mas, tienen-LORENZANA, p. 397. Leon came Ch. 2. 144 History of "Encomiendas" B. XIV. sent out in 1526 to take a residencia of Cortes he was ordered to consult with the Governor, with religious persons, and with men of experience, on the subject of encomiendas; and also as to what tribute the Indians should pay. In case he should determine that the Indians were to be given in encomienda, he should then consider whether they should remain as they were, or be given as vassals, or by way of fief.* If, on the other hand, he determined that the Indians should remain free, paying to the King that which they paid to their former lords, he was to see what could possibly be done in the way of sufficient reward to the Spaniards who had conquered the country. The instructions given to Ponce de Leon led to no result. To understand the cause of this failure it is requisite to recount the state of political affairs at Mexico. No man can do the great Unsettled things that Cortes did, and arrive rapidly at such the Govern- power as he obtained, without becoming the subject of envy, especially with more regularly constituted and hereditary authorities. Accordingly we find that at this time, and for many years state of ment of Mexico. “ Í al Licenciado Luis que pareciesse, que los Indios Ponce de Leon, que fué á tomar devian quedar encomendados, la residencia á don Fernando platicasse, si seria bien, que queCortés, se le dió por instruccion dassen como entonces estavan, ó que con el Governador, í con si seria mejor, que se diessen por personas religiosas, í de experien- vasallos, como los que tienen los cia, platicasse sobre el enco- Cavalleros destos Reynos, ó por mendar los Indios, í sobre los via de feudo."- ANTONIO DE tributos, que avian de pagar; LEON, Confirmaciones Reales, porque sobre esto avia mucha parte I, cap. I. See also HERdiversidad de pareceres, í avisasse RERA, Hist. de las Indias, dec. 3, de lo que hallasse: í que en caso lib. 8, cap. 14. after the Conquest of Mexico. 145 afterwards, the power of Cortes was a matter B. XIV. which excited the jealous apprehensions of the Ch. 2. Spanish Court. In those days, when publicity was more difficult than it is now, injurious rumours about a man did not come so easily to that point at which they may be publicly denied. Nor were there the ready means of publicly denying them. That Cortes had buried Montezuma's gold, that he took upon himself almost regal state, and that his fidelity was dubious, were prevalent reports in Spain; and Ponce de Leon carried out with him secret instructions to investigate the accusations against Cortes, and, if he found them true, to send him a prisoner to Spain. If not true, Cortes was to receive the appointment of CaptainGeneral. Leon's One morning in July of the year 1526, Ponce Ponce de de Leon arrived at Mexico, and was received by arrival, Cortes with all the proper demonstrations of July, 1526. respect. After the ceremonies which have already been described had taken place, the Residencia was proclaimed by a herald stating that whoever felt himself aggrieved should now make his com plaint. What confusion such a proclamation must have created in a Government so unprecedented as that of Cortes, may be imagined: and I cannot but think that this practice of taking Resi residencias, apparently a very plausible one, was the Indies. wholly inapplicable to the government of the Indies. Had the Indians themselves been able dencias in Ch. 2. 146 History of "Encomiendas." B. XIV. to lodge their complaints against the Spanish conquerors, it might have been some protection for them, but we never hear of their being allowed to come into Court; and the facility of making complaints against the Governor, which these residencias afforded, must have rendered him, unless a very stern man, singularly pliable to the wishes of his captains, the very men against whom he had to protect the Indians. Had Cortes resisted the "importunity" before alluded to, would he not have had additional enemies to dread at this residencia? As NOTE. Referring to p. 134, it appears that the number of Indians taken out of any pueblo for mines, public works, and agriculture, is not very great. But the truth is, that these proportions were probably not maintained, and that more Indians were demanded, and kept for a longer time, than the law allowed. might be expected, there is very little direct evidence on this head. I have, however, a copy of a letter (which is in the Muñoz collection) addressed to the King by an obscure monk, who was not in any official position, and whom pity and Christian charity alone induced to write. porque Aunque ni mi bajeza de lugar para escrivir á Vuestra Alteza ni yo de oficio sea á ello obligado, por ser un Religioso simple, pero sé que segun lo que son V. S. por si mismos i por lo que los toca por la representacion que tienen i en el lugar en que estan, i que desean ser informados de las cosas de esta tierra, i aun tambien por la lastima que yo della i de su perdicion tengo, i por lo que la ley de cristiano i religioso de la orden de Santo Domingo me obliga aunque como digo no haya porque yo pueda escribir."-FRAY DOMINGO DE SANTO TOMAS al REY, Col. de Muñoz, tom. 85. His letter is dated 1550. He lived in Peru, and he says that in ten years, one half, or even two-thirds, "of men, cattle, and the works of men" had been destroyed-". hoy ha diez años que ha que yo entré in ella, hasta ahora no hai al presente la mitad i de muchas cosas dellas ni aun de tres partes la una, sino que todo se ha acabado." This destruction was greatly owing to the wars in Peru; but in the course of the letter, the monk gives an elaborate account of the horrible sufferings and privations of the Indians in the mines of Potosi; and his conclusion is, that none of the Indians who were taken in repartimiento to work at these mines, returned to their own country." Se mueren los pobres como animales sin dueño, ... los que de esto se escapan jamas buelben a sus tierras.” The mines at Potosi may have been, and probably were, especially ill managed; but similar causes must have ensured similar results throughout the Spanish possessions, and a recurring series of deaths must have made the repartimiento a much more fatal burden than it appears to be, according to its legal definition. That the mines in New Spain were also very fatal to the natives of that country appears from the evidence of Father Motolinia, before cited. In the description which he gives of the "ninth plague," he dwells much upon the loss of life amongst the Indians employed "in the service of the mines." They came from seventy leagues and upwards, he says, bringing provisions, and whatever was needful. And when they had arrived, the Spanish mine-masters would detain them for several days, to do some specific work, such as blasting a rock or completing a building. The provisions they had brought for themselves were soon exhausted; and then the poor wretches had to starve, for no one would give them food, and they had no money to buy it. The result of all this atrocity and mismanagement was, that some died on their way to the mines; some at the mines; some on their way back; some (and these were most to be pitied) just after they had reached home. "Volvian tales que luego se morian." The number of deaths was so great, that the corpses bred pestilence; and mentioning one particular mine, Motolinia affirms that, for half a league round it, and for a great part of the road to it, you could scarcely make a step except upon dead bodies or the bones of men. The birds of prey coming to feed upon these corpses darkened the sun. "Y destos, y de los esclavos que murieron en las minas fué tanto el hedor que causó pestilencia, en especial en las minus de Guaxacan, en las quales media legua á la redonda y mucha parte del camino apenas se podia pisar sino sobre hombres ó sobre huesos. Y eran tantas las aves y cuervos que venian á comer sobre los cuerpos muertos que hazian gran sombra á el sol."-MOTOLINIA'S LETTER (1541) to DON ANTONIO PIMENTEL. MS. B. XIV. Ch. 2. |