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Say, wilt thou mount a throne sublime,
Deck'd with the fading pomp of time?
Then, on the morrow, grieve to see
) Some sordid wretch, of low degree,
Usurp the empire torn from thee,
And sway thy sceptre haughtily?
The law of justice wilt thou sell,
And e'en against thy kind rebel?
Or bend the bow, or hurl the spear,
And in thy bold uncheck'd career,
The fury of the tiger dare,

And rouse the lion from his lair?
Would'st thou be hail'd by all who pass,
And view thy form engrav'd on brass?
Thou seekest but an empty vision;
The breath of zephyr soon subsiding;
The noise of arrows swiftly gliding;
The echo of thy hand's collision.
Oh, who with wisdom fraught, would pray
For things that charm them for a day,
And on the morrow flee away,

Which bad men share as well as they ;
Which, when the fleeting breath is fled,
Depart not with the parting dead?
Since these are nought, I ask of thee,
What is there thou would'st claim from me?
An Angel dost thou wish to be,
Attendant on the Deity?

To tread the courts by Seraphs trod,
A radiant herald of thy God?
And doth thy daring thought aspire,
To glow with pure augelic fire,
And warble 'mid the warbling choir?
Awake; arise; ascend at length;
Assert thine intellectual strength.
On wings of faith I'll fondly bear thee,
And with monition sage prepare thee;
And, as the towering eagle flies,
To heights of glory thou shalt rise,
From mortals veil'd, beyond the skies.

The Conclusion of the Third Hymn of SYNESIUS; translated from the Greek by H. S. BoyD.

GRANT me, O Father, having fied

The storms that gather'd round my

To gain thy radiant hell, and rest
Within the temple of thy breast,
From that pure source began to roll
The hallow'd fountain of the soul,
Obedient to thy dread controul.
A drop of heavenly dew I fell,
Left on the bare unhallow'd earth:
If I have lov'd thee, serv'd thee well,
Forget not my celestial birth:
Restore me to my parent-stream,
That I no more may vainly dream,
Then wake to mourn thy clouded beam.
Grant me to dwell in glory bright,
Returning to my kindred light;
And high amid the royal choir,
Cloth'd with thine own immortal fire,
To wake anew my raptur'd lyre.
When to the fount of light united,
Enthron'd above yon beaming plain,
Ah! never may I fall again,

And view my wreath of glory blighted.
Yet, Father, while I here remain,
By Nature's firm and iron band
Confin'd to an ignoble land,

May'st thou conduct me with a shepherd's [prepare, And for my native realm my longing soul


Epigram, from the French.

YOU say, without either reward or fee,

Your uncle cur'd me of a dangerous ill; I say, he never did prescribe for me;

The proof is plain--you see I'm living still.




The Earl of Liverpool presented copies of the Definitive Treaty of Peace.

Lord Grenville expressed his regret that the Slave Trade should be continued by France; he had expected that all Europe would have concurred in its abolition, as a great crime, as a system of the worst piracy, which ought no longer to exist.

The Earl of Liverpool said that Ministers were anxious for its abolition.

In the Commons, the same day, 129 petitions were presented against the proposed alteration in the Corn Laws.

Sir W. Curtis presented a petition from the Watch and Clock-makers, stating that they exported goods to the value of 500,000%, annually, and that their trade

was in danger of being ruined by the importation of foreign watches and clocks, to which the names of English workmen were affixed.

Lord Castlereagh presented a copy of the Treaty of Peace with France.

Mr. Wilberforce deprecated with much eloquence and feeling the renewal of the Slave Trade by France, and the cession of large settlements on the North coast of Africa, which had now for many years enjoyed repose, and where its chiefs, awakened to their true interests, had begun to direct their exertions to more hu mane pursuits.

Lord Castlereagh thought his Hon. Friend had been too sanguine as to what could be done on a point of so much importance. When France received back certain of her


tolonies, her great and high-minded people expected them to be restored with all their former advantages-one of the printipal of which was the right to stock them with slaves: The French Government knew that the people were warm on this subject; that they were not prepared to concur in the Abolition of the Slave Trade; to have pressed it peremptorily, therefore, as a measure absolutely necessary to be definitively adjusted, might only have fixed their prejudice deeper, and made the attainment of the object more difficult. It was therefore thought advisable to leave it open to further discussion in a Congress, where the support of the Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, might be relied on.

Lord Milton said, that the concurrence of Spain and Portugal in the Abolition of the Slave Trade would be of more importance than that of the three Allied Sovereigns, neither of whom had any colonies. If the French were averse now to abolish that inhuman traffic, he did not think they would agree to it after reaping benefit from it for five years. Besides, how ac. tively would that trade be carried on during that period, and how numerous the individuals employed by other nations.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved that the petitions against any alteration in the Corn Laws should be referred to a select Committee, which was adopted by several Members with an understanding that the report made by the Committee should not be used to press the obnoxious measure during the present Session.The otion was carried by 173 to 67.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer next proposed that the report of the Corn Import Bill should be deferred three weeks, to give the above Committee time to make their report. Messrs. Canning, Rose, IV: Smith, and others, urged the serious and general alarm which prevailed out of doors.

Mr. Huskisson said, that before the war Our peace establishment was 16 millions; How it would be near 60; the price of bread could not be less than double what it was at that period:

General Gascoyne moved an amendment, that the report be deferred till six months; which was carried by 116 to 106.

The obnoxious Bill is therefore thrown But for this Session.


The second reading of the Bill permitting the Free Exportation of Corn was Supported by Lords Hardwicke, Liverpool, and Grenville, (the two latter because it extended the great principle of freedom of Commerce,) and opposed by Lords StanApe and Leglerdale: read a second time. GENT. AC. July, 1814.

June 8.


Lord Donoughmore, in presenting the General Petition of the Catholicks of Ireland, praying for Emancipation, expressed his opinion that the present was not the favourable time for discussing it when. the public mind was heated, and his Ca tholic countrymen seemed to be at war with the Representative of the Sovereign Pontiff himself. The resolution of the Catholic Prelates, seeking a conference with the Pope, offered, he thought, a reas sonable prospect of accommodating those differences.

Earl Grey concurred in this opinion, and, with the Duke of Norfolk, declared, that the claims of the Catholicks were founded in justice and policy.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 7, 8, 9. The Hackney Poor Bill was thrown out by 62 to 30.

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Mr.Vansittgrt, it reply to Mr. Whitbread; acknowledged that 8000 Russian guards were to be conveyed from Cherbourg and encamped near Southampton, until our shipping could convey them to Russia; 3000 had landed.


Messrs. Whitbread, Wynne, and Ponsonby, thought it unconstitutional.

Mr. Methuen said, that tinless something should be done in the interval to ame liorate the situation of the Princess of Wales, he should move on Tuesday the 14th that her letter be taken into consideration.


Lord Hardwicke moved the appointment of a Committee to investigate the Corn Laws as confected with the growth, commerce; consumption of grain, and all the laws relating thereto. Agreed to, with the opposition of only Lords Stanhope and Lauderdale.

The Committee of the Corn Exportation Bill was opposed by Earl Starthope, who observed that investigation ought to pre cede legislation; and that the Bill taxed the labourer's beer to raise the price of his bread.

The Marquis of Lansdowne expressed himself adverse to the bounty system, and Lord Lauderdale in its favour. The Bill then went through the Committee.

House of Commons, June 10,

In a conversation respecting the conviction of Lord Cochrane and Mt. Coch. rane Johnstone, Mr. Broadhurst said, that he should on Tuesday move for a copy of the conviction (supposing that an arrest of judgment or a new trial was not in the interval applied for), when the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman implicated might appear in their places, and defend them


selves if they thought proper. It appeared to be the intention of the Hon. Member to move subsequently for their expulsion.

Mr.Vansittartexpressed the Royal assent to the proposition for extending the term of the annuity to Lord Hill while the Peerage continued.

Mr. Methuen's motion respecting the Princess of Wales was, on the suggestion of Mr. Whitbread, postponed till Friday 17th.

Lord Castlereagh, in reply to Mr. Whit bread, said, that Buonaparte had been averse to the Abolition of the Slave Trade.

In a Committee of Supply, four millions were granted for the defraying the expences of the Army Extraordinaries for 1814; and three millions to pay off the outstanding Exchequer Bills.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 13. The Earl of Liverpool informed the House that the Prince Regent, at the request of the Emperor of Russia, had given permission that 8000, of his guards might be conveyed from Cherbourg, and landed at Portsmouth, to be re-embarked as soon as possible for Russia in the Russian fleet; their expences in England to be borne by their Sovereign.

In the Commons, the same day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in stating the sums necessary to be raised for the service of the year, said he estimated the expences of the Navy for the present year, (exclusive of the ordnance sea-service,) at 18,786,5097.; the Army (including Ireland), with barracks and commissariat, 18,121,1737. the Extraordinaries for England, 9,000,000/.; ditto Ireland, 200,000l.; unprovided Extraordinaries, last year, 6,350,132.; Ordnance, including Ireland, 3,955,6581.; miscellaneous service of the year, 2,500,000l.; Vote of Credit, 3,200,000. Ireland taking 200,0007. of it; Subsidies voted to our Allies, 3,000,0007; ditto to be voted, 1,200,000l.; Bills of Credit, 1,000,000%. Making the whole amount of the joint Charge for England and Ireland 67,313,472/. If this estimate was thought high, it should be recollected that the first part of the year had been passed in a state of war and of exertion beyond any former period. We bad America still to contend with, and considerable expences must be incurred to carry on the contest with vigour and effect. The separate charges for England were as follows: Loyalty Loan, 71,3207. ; interest on Exchequer Bills, 1,900,000/.; interest on Debentures, 49,7801.; the grant to the Sinking Fund for unprovided Exchequer Bills, 200,0002.; and 6,000,000%. for the repayment of Exchequer Bills. The whole of these separate charges amounted to 8,311,100. which, added to the former joint estimate,made the sum of 75,624,5727%

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The proportion of the joint charge to be furnished by Ireland was 7,919,2321. and for the Civil List and Consolidated Fund 187,862.; so that there remained a total expence for England of 67,517,4787. To meet this charge, Parliament granted 3,000,000%. in annual duties; 20,500,0002, for War Taxes; the Lottery, 200,000%; Vote of Credit, 3,000,000%; the English proportion of Naval Stores, 508,5451.; the first Loan, 22,000,000%.; and the second, which had been this day contracted for, 18,500,000l.: in all, 67,708,5451. The Right Hon. Gentleman then detailed the relative increase or diminution of different sources of revenue in the two preceding years. The Consolidated Fund had fallen short of expectation. The Customs was 9,818,000/. being two millions deficient. The Excise Duties had, on the contrary, increased nearly one million. The duties on Beer were nearly equal in the two years 1813 and 1814. On the article of Malt there was an increase from 4,444,0007. to 4,875,0007. British Spirits had produced in the year 1813, 2,600,0007. and in 1814, 2,900,0001. On Foreign Spirits there was an inconsiderable rise. The Wine Duties had increased from 900,0002. to 1,300,0002.; and the duties on Tea from 1,100,000l. to 1,200,0002. The Stamp-office produced in 1813 five millions and a half, and considerably more in the last year. The Post-office had also been more productive. The Assessed Taxes had increased from 5,518,000l. to 6,339,000%. The Land Tax had risen from 1,051,0007. to 1,059,000l. The Property Tax had in➡ creased from 12 to 14 millions. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating the terms on which the loan of 22 millions had been taken; so much had the funds improved by the signature of peace, that one million and a half of stock had been saved. concluded by moving that a Loan of 24 millions be granted to his Majesty, which, after some observations by Mr. Ponsonby on the discontinuance of the Property Tax after April 1815, was agreed to.

June 15.


Mr. Holford complained of the present condition of the prisons in the metropolis. The allowance to prisoners was not sufficient to sustain life. The meat sent in by the Sheriffs as a sort of donation, arising from the subscriptions to the Sheriff's fund, was without regard to the number of prisoners, and the distribution always left to the discretion of the gaolers. The allowance to untried prisoners, who were to be presumed innocent, was only ten ounces of bread per diem, and six pounds of potatoes per week: in the City prisons there was no allowance of cloathing; each prisoner had two rugs, but as no straw was allowed on the stone floor, from the appre

apprehension of fire, he must keep on his cloaths night and day, a practice not very favourable to cleanly habits. He objected to the privileges enjoyed by all (convicts under sentence of death, transportation, respited, &c.) who could pay 13s. 6d. admission money, and 2s. 6d. per week for a bed on the master's side. The duties of In the religion were not attended to. Borough Compter there was neither chaplain nor chapel. In Newgate, Dr. Ford *, the ordinary, told the Committee, that he did not think it a part of his duty to attend to the morality of the prisoners, but only to the duty on Sundays, and attending condemned prisoners. Mr. H. concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill for the better management of the City prisons, by placing them under the superintendance of a Committee.

Sir W.Curtis, Alderman C. Smith, Sir J. Shaw, and Alderinan Combe, warmly opposed the motion as unnecessary. They allowed that the gaol fees ought to be abolished. Messrs. Phillips, Wrottesley, Horner, and Thornton, approved highly of the Bill, and leave was then given to bring it in.


The Royal Assent was given by commission to the Irish Treasury Bills Bill and six local and private Bills. [The ceremony was witnessed by the King of Prussia, his three sons, and Marshal Blucher.]

Earl Stanhope having moved that a Petition which he had presented from a prisoner in Gloucester Gaol be now read, Lord Kenyon moved the standing order for the exclusion of strangers; upon which the foreign Princes and ladies quitted the House.

In the Commons, the same day, Sir S. Romilly presented a petition from Robert Harris, a prisoner confined in Lincoln Gaol.

Sir Matthew W. Ridley inquired of the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it was the intention of Ministers to make any speedy communication to the House respecting the marriage of the Princess Charlotte to the Hereditary Prince of Orange.

Mr. Vansittart said he could give no other answer than that Ministers had received no authority to make any communication.

After some very warm remarks between Messrs. Whitbread and Stephen, Sir M. W. Ridley said, he had heard that the marriage was broken off because it was required that the Princess Charlotte should leave this country.

Dr. Ford has since resigned.



Earl Stanhope's motion for a Committee to inquire into the charges in a petition from Gloucester Gaol was negatived by 24 to 6. The practice of opening letters and refusing lawyers access to their clients was admitted to be illegal: the Earl of Liverpool said, that inquiries would be made to ascertain whether there existed any grounds for further proceedings.

June 23.

On the second reading of the Small Pox Spreading Prevention Bill, Lord Boringdon stated that the clauses left an option to parties to inoculate with the small pox; but required notice, according to a prescribed form, of such a circumstance; also making regulations with respect to persons afflicted with the natural small pox; and prohibiting children, supported by parishes, from being inoculated with the small pox.

In the Commons, the same day, Mr. Methuen deeply lamented the necessity of addressing the House upon a subject so painful and distressing as the situation of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales. That necessity he attributed to no step having been taken by Ministers to aineliorate it, though public opinion had been so decidedly and unequivocally expressed on a late memorable debate. The present discussion might cloud the triumph of the moment; but was it to be expected that because others were basking in the sunshine of happiness, the Princess of Wales was to be content in the cold shade of ob.

scurity and neglect; or that, in the hour of general triumph, she should forget the comparative degradation to which she herself was reduced? What must the Allied Sovereigns have thought of British gene rosity, when they heard the disgraceful fact that the allowance to her Royal Highness was so parsimonious, that she was unable to pay them even the common attention of a formal visit, from the want of means to support the proper grandeur and dignity of her rank and station. They should legislate with the feelings of fathers and brothers; let them suppose their daughters or sisters were made to endure a similar indignity and degradation, and then let them say whether they would refuse their interference in favour of an unprotected woman. The Princess of Wales, on her marriage, was allowed 17,000Z. in addition to her own 5,000%. It was afterwards reduced to 12,0007. on account of the circumstances of the Prince. She had subsequently been under the necessity of contracting debts, which in 1809 the Prince had paid, to the amount of 40,000%. She had then been obliged to live on a less income than when she resided

sided in Carlton house, where so large an expenditure was, of course, not required as on her removal, when she had an en tirely distinct establishment to support. She had therefore reduced her establish ment to seven domestics parted with many of her horses, and given up seeing company, till Mr. St, Leger, Lady Carparvon, Lady Glenbervie, and others of her household, handsomely refused to accept of the usual allowances made to persons in their situations. By these sacrifices, she had now the satisfaction of knowing that she did not owe a shilling. The Hon. Gentleman trusted that her Royal Highness would, by the liberality of that House, be enabled to support the dignity and splendour of her station; and concluded by moving that her Royal High-income of the Princess of Wales as might pess's correspondence should be taken into consideration on Tuesday next.

of direct insult on the character and con- ~ duct of the Prince Regent. Persons had. been permitted to approach her Royal Highness who had been detected in a cabal, through the medium of the press, for the purpose of degrading the Royal Family in general, and more particularly of vilifying the illustrious individual at the head of the State, and attempting to debase him in the eyes of his family, of his country, and even of his children. While her advisers had other objects in view, or claimed an extended pecuniary arrangement on grounds that were not tenable, they could not be listened to: they had now become.... more candid. He must, however, resist the present motion; but, on a future day, he would consent to such addition to the

appear reasonable to Parliament.

Mr. Methuen was glad to hear of the intended grant to the Princess; but would, not give up her claim to appear at the drawing-room; he would consent to with-draw his motion.

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Mr. Whitbread denied the assertion of the Noble Lord, that the object of all the; motions before the House had been to obtain money. He entered with much energy and feeling into the situation of the Princess of Wales, and contrasted the indignities and insults she had endured with the virtue of her character. He con sidered her an injured woman, deserted by her natural protectors, and peculiarly entitled to the protection of that House. He should rejoice at any grant of money from that House as a mark of its approbation; but not in consideration that she should abandon any of her just claims and privileges.

Lord Castlereagh said, that if the advisers of the Princess had earlier declared that an increased provision was the object sought after, something might have been done; but this was the first avowal in Parliament that an extended provision for the Princess of Wales was the wise and proper mode to set at rest a question which had already unfortunately too much agitated the House. His Lordship then incidentally noticed that the marriage between the Princess Charlotte of Wales and the Prince of Orange was broken off; but denied that it was occasioned by the knowJedge that her mother had been excluded from Court, as the negociation was in active progress, not only prior to, but subsequent to that exclusion. As for the supposed right to appear at the drawingroom, if the subject could approach the Court at the pleasure of Parliament or of Mr. Grattan approved of the motion, as a Minister, it would be degrading the its object was practically to repel the ca Court, and depriving it of a freedom which lumnies thrown on the Princess. This obwas exercised by the lowest individuals, ject was to be effected not by restoring It was not perhaps known to Parliament her to her dignities, but by increasing the that a separation had taken place between means of her establishment. The object their Royal Highnesses the Prince and of the Noble Lord was the same, provided Princess of Wales, which might be consi- it could be done in a manner respectful to `dered as absolutely final. The King had the Prince of Wales. It was proper that been so firmly convinced that there never the Princess of Wales should be supported could be any reconciliation, that he only by Parliament provided for by Parlia considered how circumstances could be ment; but not in such a manner as to managed so as to give the least pain to give her a victory over her husband. To both parties! With this view, a solemn attempt to oblige the Prince to take back deed of separation was drawn up and his wife would be unjustifiable; to intersigned by the Prince and Princess of fere to procure her admission to the Wales in 1809, to which was added the Queen's Drawing-room was a power not signatures of the King and most of bis perhaps possessed by the House. How Cabinet Ministers. The Princess at that then could they act but by providing for time declared herself satisfied with the the lady, by declaring, that, as she was provision made for her; but he was cer- not admitted to share in the establishtain that it was not the wish of the Princement of her husband, Parliament would Regent that she should feel any pecuniary embarrassinents. The differences between those Royal Personages had latterly as sumed a very different complexion. Her Royal Highness had been made the vehicle

give her one of her own. This was the
best way of proceeding for the interest. of
the wife, the feelings of the husband, and
the dignity of the House.

Mr. Ponsonby concurred in this opinion.

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