Church," but to unite, where those banners are really to be found, in the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge. Let it be known to all the friends of the Establishment, that this Society is in need of support; that though our members are rapidly increasing, our expenses increase still faster; that the income of our Society does not keep. pace with its exertions; and that our capital has consequently diminished in the space of two years, by more than four, thousand pounds. It is to be hoped therefore, that they who can afford it, will increase their subscriptions, and increase them according to their ability.

And I would humbly propose, that an additional subscription be immediately opened at Bartlett's Buildings, for the purpose of increasing our energies, and the furtherance of those objects, which, in the present alarming crisis, demand our most serious attention. I would recommend also, that the sums subscribed be in future annexed to the names of the subscribers, as is usual with other societies, and as is already the practice with our own diocesan com mittees. When it is known to the Public, whether men are liberal or niggardly subscribers, they will feel an inducement to an increase of contribution, which does not operate at present. The friends of the Establishment will have thus an opportunity of showing their zeal, by subscribing in proportion to their ability. It may indeed be reckoned among the fair and honorable rewards of generosity, that it is known and applauded; whereas, on the other hand, it is no disgrace to contribute little, when we have not the means of contributing more.

Before I conclude, I hope you will pardon me, if I say a few words on the personal abuse, with which I have been assailed, and of which I have reason to complain. I am indeed aware that every man, who has the courage, in the hour of danger, to come forward in defence of Church or

State, is unavoidably exposed to personal invective: for the passions of men are never more inflamed, than when, in the pursuit of what they consider a work of improvement, they are suddenly thwarted by others, who consider it as a work of destruction. And we may in general estimate both the greatness of the danger, and the resistance apprehended from the person who opposes it, by the vehemence of the clamor, and the bitterness of the reproaches, which are heard against him. From this reflection, though I conclude on the one hand, that our danger is great, I may be allowed to conclude, on the other hand, that I have contributed to lessen it. And as I have acted with the full conviction of doing what my duty required of me, I derive from it a consolation, which neither malice nor envy can destroy: I derive from it a consolation, which no worldly honors can impart to violated duty. I have the further consolation to reflect, that, considering the strength of the current, which has been opposed to me, my endeavours have been as successful as I could have reasonably hoped. When I pleaded from the University Pulpit, for the Articles of our Religion, I was assailed indeed with the bitterest reproaches, by a writer, who pronounced them" a mass of mystery and delusion." But then I was indemnified for this abuse, by the approbation with which my Lectures were honored, by every critic, who had a regard for the Church. When I pleaded at St. Paul's, for the national religion as the foundation of national education, the press again teemed with invective, on the part of those who would gladly exclude the Liturgy from a system of religious instruction. But the national Society, which has formally recognized, and is now acting on the principles asserted in my Sermon at St. Paul's, affords sufficient evidence, both of the goodness of the cause, and of the success with which it was main

tained.' Lastly, when the advocates of the Bible Society, like the advocates of the Lancasterian system, were pleading for the distribution of the Bible alone, I again thought it my duty to plead for the distribution of the Prayer Book. Here too I have the consolation to reflect, that the united efforts of my adversaries on this subject, end at last with an Institution formed for the express purpose of distributing the Prayer Book. That I have rendered therefore essential service to the Established Church, by contributing to a wider diffusion, and more general application, of that book, without which the Established Church would cease to be what it is, my adversaries themselves (who are desirous that the Church should remain) will at length be compelled to acknowledge. It is true, that the means, which they now propose for a more extensive circulation of the Liturgy, are not precisely the means, which I should recommend. I still retain the opinion, that the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge is capable, with proper support, which it certainly wants, of answering all the purposes, which the most zealous Churchman can require. But whatever difference of opinion be entertained on this subject, I have at any rate compelled my adversaries to acknowledge, that the distribution of the Prayer Book

'To prevent mistakes, or false inferences, deduced from the word national, let it be observed, that the Society is so called, as being instituted for the sole purpose of supporting the national or established religion. But the term does not apply to the funds of the Society, and consequently does not apply to the claims upon those funds. They arise solely from the subscriptions of Churchmen, who were invited, in the terms of the Prospectus, published for that purpose, to promote "the education of the poor in the doctrine and discipline of the Established Church." Any attempt therefore to divert those funds to purposes which do not promote the discipline, as well as doctrine, of the Church, would be no less subversive of common justice, no less a violation of good faith, than destructive to the Society itself.

ought to be increased, and that some means should be devised for that purpose.

Here then I will take my leave of the present controversy, and subscribe myself,

You will certainly excuse me, if I take the present opportunity of expressing my profound sorrow for the loss of that inestimable statesman, and true christian, of whom the hand of an assassin has deprived us, at a period, when we were most in need of his consummate ability, his unimpeachable integrity, and that undaunted courage, which, though it never yielded, when conscience urged him to persevere, was tempered with a benevolence which disarmed his most strenuous opposers. Sincerely attached to him for his private as well as public virtues, I had the misfortune (and I shall ever consider it as such) to differ from him in my view of that Society, which has been the subject of the preceding letter. But, as a conscientious regard to what I believe to be the truth, was the motive for publishing opinions, which were known to vary from the sentiments of a patron, at whose command were all the honors of the Church, I had afterwards the satisfaction to learn from his own hand, that he was too magnanimous to be

offended with a line of conduct which he knew was prescribed by a sense of duty. And, as the honor of having been esteemed by such a man as Mr. Perceval, is sufficient to compensate for the invectives of ten thousand adversaries, I may be allowed to quote the concluding sentence of a letter, which he wrote to me on the 6th of last February. Having acknowledged the receipt of my "Inquiry," and having lamented, that he had not then had time to read it, he concluded with the following sentence:

"I assure you, I am too fully sensible of the motives which influence you, not to be able to differ from you on that point, without suffering such difference to have the slightest effect, in diminishing the regard and respect, with which I am,

Dear Sir, Your's, most truly,

SP. PERCEVAL."

As this sentence relates entirely to myself, there is no breach of confidence in the publication of it; which would otherwise indeed be removed by the circumstance, that Mr. Perceval has since authorised me to show it, and, in conformity with his own generous feelings, has himself sent a copy of the whole letter to one of my most violent adversaries. I have reason therefore deeply to lament, as well the loss of private friendship, as of public worth. And, as testimony to departed goodness can result only from disinterested motives, I need not apologise for praises bestowed on a Minister, who is removed from the scene, where flattery may expect reward.