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great request. There is no name at bottom, but simply the representation of a Charrettc. A nephew of his was so ill advised in 1805 as to attempt an insurrection in La Vendee. He was immediately taken, and died on the same spot where his uncle had met his fate, and with the same resolution. The rest of the family have been patronized by the emperor, who has promoted several of them in the army; and La Vendee is now a peaceable province of the empire. In addition to the little I have said of the war of La Vendee, it would be easy to give you some particulars of that of the Chouans, which are not generally known, but I feel that it is time to finish, and to take final leave of France, and I shall do so in a page or two.

A long period will elapse, I fear, before the French can feel the blessings of a permanent peace. The king of Prussia cannot much longer submit to his present humiliation; he has a numerous army, and may command the assistance of very powerful allies. In Italy the throne of king Joseph is by no means well established; the contest which he carries on against the Calabrians is like a former war in Corsica against a very similar people, but upon a much greater scale, and if he means to conquer he must annihilate. The French troops are unquestionably among the best, and are at the same time the most numerous in Europe, and they abound in good officers, who are as much interested as their emperor in the preservation of his ascendancy; but I still think that the fortitude of the great body of the army would not survive a signal defeat, could they but once believe, that their general is not the greatest in the world, and the peculiar favourite of fortune; I know of no other sentiment that would keep alive their energy, for he is not personally beloved as Henry IV was, there are no remains, in his favour at least, of that spirit of fealty which attached the vassal to his lord, and the subject to his sovereign; nor can the most enthusiastic Frenchman persuade himself that France is likely to be benefitted by conquests in Istriaand Dalmatia, in the north of Europe, or at the extremity of Italy. The navy is by no means as well attended to in France as the army: their sailors who are neither well disciplined, nor well taken care of, and who arc badly paid, feel their inferiority to the British, and shrink from a contest even upon equal terms, nor can it well be otherwise, while there is no commerce to serve as a school for seamanship, and while the larger vessels are more than two- thirds of the time at anchor. I say nothing to you of the finances of France, for my opportunities of knowledge upon that subject have been limited to what the newspapers afforded. I will only observe, that with a debt of 70,000,000 sterling, which is about a fifth of the ancient debt, under the monarchy, the revenue of the state is nearly double what it was, and that too at a time when the customs may be said to yield little or nothing. The last town we passed an hour in was St. Navarre, at the north of the Loire, and it was not without sensations in which somewhat of melancholy entered, that I felt myself stepping into the ship's boat with the certain knowledge that I should never more land in Europe. We sailed on the seventeenth of April, and had a great deal of stormy weather, being exposed to a naiTow strip of eastwardly winds almost the whole way. The theory of the winds is still a very obscure one, and doctor Franklin had too much sagacity not to have given up his ideas on the subject, had he found leisure in the latter part of his life, to turn his attention from politics to subjects of natural philosophy. In addition to the disagreeable circumstances of bad weather and contrary winds, we were by no means as well accommodated as on board of captain B—; but our captain excused himself by assuring us, that the people who sold sea-stores in France were all cheats, and that a French fowl was twice as long getting its sea legs as an English or an American one. The most unpleasant circumstance which occurred was the falling in with the British sloop of war Ratlcr, commanded by captain Mason; they were from the foggy atmosphere of St. John's, in Newfoundland; they had not shared a shilling of prize money since they had been upon the station, and were extremely rapacious and ill behaved: I now saw for the first how oppressive power can render itself without proceeding to what may be deemed hostilities; and how much the reputation and interests of a great nation may be trifled with by their unworthy servants. Our passage was a week longer than the one to France, and not in every respect as pleasant; nor was the first sight of land, though very agreeable, yet quite as delightful as that of the mountains of Cape Ortegal had been; it was the difference of romance and history, of splendid fiction and of sober truth. But I enjoyed extremely the surprise of some Frenchmen we had on board, when they were told, that the houses which they admired on either hand as we approached New.

York were the property of farmers, who sold their produce at market, and who had probably cultivated the soil themselves.

Let a passenger arrive from whence he may, he must always be struck with the beautiful environs of New-York, and the reflection of a very few moments upon what he has seen in other countries, will convince him, when he comes to know America, that one of the greatest of all blessings is to be bor n in a free country.

FOR THE PORT FOLIO.

Not many months ago, the citizens of Baltimore came forward in a spirit of noble and generous enthusiasm, with a proposal to erect in their city a monument to the memory of general Washington. In the prosecution of this very laudable design, it became expedient to apply to the legislature of New-York for permission to dispose, in that state, of a part of the tickets of a lottery which had been previously granted by the legislature of Maryland to raise the necessary funds. The ensuing memorial, which the managers of the lottery, on this occasion, presented to the legislature, we are induced to preserve as a specimen of singularly splendid, powerful, and eloquent composition. We recommend it, very strenuously, to the attention of our readers. No one, we trust, will be deterred from the perusal of the article by its technical character, or the seeming aridness of its topics. The genius of the writer, it will, at once, be perceived, has the power to mould materials, however intractable, into forms the most captivating, and to give grace and attraction to subjects otherwise rude and repulsive. It is disgraceful to the legislature oi New-York, that this glowing appeal to their patriotism, and tliis strong exhortation to the discharge of their duty, was made without success. We learn, however, with satisfaction, that the rejection of their application has only served to quicken the zeal of the good people of Baltimore, who by individual enterprize will be able to achieve their proposed tribute of respect to a name, which emphatically "keeps that of his country respectable in every other of the globe."

"Clarum et vencrabile nomen Gentibus, et multum nostra, quod prodcrat ui.bi."

To the honourable the House of Delegates and Senate of the State of .Afic-Ferfc now in seesion. The memorial of the undersigned, of the city of Baltimore, respectfully represents,

That at the late session of the assembly of Maryland, a law was passed authorising a lottery to raise one hundred thousand dollars for the erection of a monument to the memory of general George Washington, and that your memorialists were appointed managers of the said lottery: that in order to enable your memorialists lawfully to dispose of the tickets of the said lottery in the state of New-York, it is necessary that a law should be enacted by your honourable body empowering them so to do. Your memorialists are desirous that the citizens of the state of New-York may be enabled, by the purchase of tickets, to accelerate the completion of an end so laudable in itself, and so desirable for every real American, as that which your memorialists have now in view. In soliciting the interposition of your honourable body to this effect, your memorialists deem it expedient, and humbly begjeave to state the leading motives which have urged them to engage in this undertaking, and which, as they are hereinafter detailed, may serve to evince the propriety, and to insure the success of the present application.

Your memorialists have seen, with lively concern, the apparent relaxation of those feelings with regard to general Washington which were so universally entertained and so signally displayed at the period of his decease—they almost blush to remark how inadequate to the pomp of his funeral honours—how few and feeble are the efforts which have since been made to commemorate his virtues by other testimony than the mere language of panegyric. They are seriously alarmed by the reflection, that the people of these United States may have slackened in their sentiments of gratitude and admiration towards one, who did more to exalt the reputation and to promote the happiness of his country, than any one of the immortal patriots whom history holds up to the veneration of mankind. They are alarmed, because under a constitution such as we enjoy—inattention to the fame, and insensibility to the merits of those who magnanimously projected, and laboriously achieved our liberties, may be justly viewed as indications of the decay of that public virtue which is the only solid and natural foundation of a free government. Your memorialists deem every other support weak and artificial, and should they observe the same inattention and insensibility extend to the memory of the august personage, whose life was, if the expression may be allowed, but a personification of the virtues and principles of republicanism, they would not hesitate to qualify them

Tol. nt. 3 N

as the marks of a degenerate people—as the certain symptoms of a sickly state—as the unerring prognostics of ruin to the commonwealth. Indifference to the memory of the individual, in this instance, is scarcely compatible with an undiminished reverence for the institutions which he so materially contributed to establish, and the love of the republic is almost necessarily and undistinguishably blended with an attachment for the founder. Your memorialists arc sensible that the transition is easy from enthusiasm to indifference, and even from indifference to contempt—unless the memory and the imagination habitually roused by monuments which, while they prolong, among ourselves, the first impulse on the subject of Washington, may, with our posterity, serve as an evidence of our feelings and a recommendation of his example. Your memorialists are therefore anxious not only to offer, by the present undertaking, the tribute due to public and private virtues so rarely found, so harmoniously combined, and so extensively useful, but to establish a precedent, the general imitation of which cannot fail, in rekindling in his favour the glow of enthusiasm among the people— to infuse into them a new portion of patriotic and republican zeal. The contemplation of his character, to which the attention is incessantly recalled by public works such as that we now propose to erect, ennobles and purifies the mind, and it may be truly said, that no cordial veneration for that character can exist without a manly spirit of independence. Until we can yield more illustrious proofs of our devotion to his name and his principles, no attempts, however inconsiderable, which tend to render them familiar to the country, should be despised. There is no effort of generosity, however small, springing from the desire of doing justice to the memory of Washington, which should not be industriously encouraged, and which may not serve both to elevate the feelings and to prompt to sacrifices of greater dignity. As often as our youth gaze on his image, and are led to meditate on the solemn glories, and the splendid popularity of his name, they will insensibly imbibe his spirit: the ardour of their patriotism will be the more readily inflamed into active emulation. Private life is said to be the nursery of the commonwealth, and the heart of the citizen to be a perennial spring of energy to the state. The legislators of this country cannot more successfully mould the one and the other so as to insure the du■

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