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can never be a remedial measure for general disturbances. Have you considered whether you have troops and ships sufficient to enforce an universal proscription to the trade of the whole continent of America? If you have not, the attempt is childish, and the operation fruitless. Only, Sir, see the consequence of blocking up one port; for instance, that of Virginia Bay; which, if you do you will destroy the tobacco trade, and thereby bring, as it were, a certain ruin on your own merchants at Glasgow and Edinburgh. This bill has been thought a vigorous, but not a rigorous punishment. It is my opinion that you might even punish the individuals who committed the violence, without involving the innocent: I should approve much of that; but, Sir, to take away the trade from the town of Boston, is surely a severe punishment. Would it not be a rigorous measure to take away the trade of the Thames, for instance, and direct the merchandize to be landed at Gravesend?

I call this bill most unjust, for is it not fundamentally unjust to prevent the parties who have offended from being heard in their defence? Justice, Sir, is not to be measured by geographical lines nor distances. Every man, Sir, is authorised to be a magistrate, to put a stop to disturbances which he perceives to be committed against his majesty's peace; but did you expect that the people who were not present at such disturbances, would be equally punished for not aiding and assisting in putting an end to those riots which they never saw or heard of? This, Sir, is surely the doctrine of devils, to require men to be present in every part of America wherever a riot happens; but this bill involves those who have never in the least been guilty; and then you again say, that the disturbances which did happen ought to have been immediately put a stop to by the people of Boston, and that they were bound to preserve the good order of the town; but, Sir, I have too much reverence for the image of God to conceive that the honourable gentleman (Mr. Welbore Ellis) does really and truly imbibe such a doctrine.

Mr. Burke then read part of Colonel Leslie's letter, No. 45. wherein the colonel said, that "neither the governor, nor the council, nor any of the custom-house officers, have ever yet applied to me for any assistance; if they had, I could most certainly have put a stop to all their riot and violences, but not without some bloodshed, and firing upon their town, and killing many innocent people." Why, Sir, did not the governor at once send for this assistance? Was it contrary to, or do you think he would have broke through his instructions if he had endeavoured, by such ways and means, to preserve the public peace, and prevent violences from being committed? The fault of this governor ought not to be the means of punishment for the innocent. You have found that there was no government there. Why did not the governor exercise his authority? Why did not the ships execute their duty? What was the reason they did not act? Why is not Mr. Hancock, and the chief people who are known, punished, and not the innocent involved with the guilty in one universal calamity? You surely, Sir, cannot have power to take away the trade of a port, and call it privilege! Why was not your force that was present applied to quell the disturbances? How came they to be so feeble and inactive? How are you sure that the orders and frigates which you now send will act better? I cannot think this, by any means, a prudent measure, in blocking up one port after another; the consequence will be dreadful, and I am afraid destructive; you will draw a foreign force upon you, perhaps, at a time when you little expect it; I will not say where that will end; I will be silent upon that head, and go no farther; but think, I conjure you, of the conse

quence.

Again, Sir, in one of the clauses of the bill you proscribe the property of the people, to be governed and measured by the will of the crown. This is a ruinous and dangerous principle to adopt. There is an universal discontent throughout all America, from an internal bad government. There are but two ways to govern America; either to make

it subservient to all your laws, or to let it govern itself by its own internal policy. I abhor the measure of taxation where it is only for a quarrel, and not for a revenue; a measure that is teazing and irritating without any good effect; but a revision of this question will one day or other come, wherein I hope to give my opinion. But this is the day, then, that you wish to go to war with all America, in order to conciliate that country to this; and to say that America shall be obedient to all the laws of this country. I wish to see a new regulation and plan of a new legislation in that country, not founded upon your laws and statutes here, but grounded upon the vital principles of English liberty.

The bill was then passed.

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AMERICAN TAXATION.

April 19.

HIS day, Mr. Rose Fuller, member for Rye, made the following motion: "That an act made in the seventh year of the reign of his present majesty, intituled "An act for grant⚫ing certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in • America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs * upon the exportation from this kingdom of coffee and cocoa * nuts, of the produce of the said colonies or plantations; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable on china earthen ware exported to America: and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations; might be read." And the same being read accordingly; he moved, "That this House will, upon this day sevennight, resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the duty of 3d. per pound weight ap tea, payable in all his majesty's dominions in America, mposed by the said act; and also the appropriation of the said On this latter motion a warm and interesting debate in which

Mr. BURKE spoke as follows: *

Sir; I agree with the honourable gentleman + who spoke last, that this subject is not new in this House. Very disagreeably to this House, very unfortunately to this nation, and to the peace and prosperity of this whole empire, no topic has been more familiar to us. For nine long years, session after session, we have been lashed round and round this miserable circle of occasional arguments and temporary expedients. I am sure our heads must turn, and our stomachs nauseate with them. We have had them in every shape; we have looked at them in every point of view. Invention is exhausted; reason is fatigued; expe

*The above Speech was published by Mr. Burke, with the following PREFACE:

"The following speech has been much the subject of conversation; and the desire of having it printed was last summer very general. The means of gratifying the public curiosity were obligingly furnished from the notes of some gentlemen, members of the last parliament.

"This piece has been for some months ready for the press. But a de licacy, possibly over scrupulous, has delayed the publication to this time. The friends of administration have been used to attribute a great deal of the opposition to their measures in America to the writings published in England. The editor of this speech kept it back, until all the measures of government have had their full operation, and can be no longer affected, if ever they could have been affected, by any publication.

"Most readers will recollect the uncommon pains taken at the be ginning of the last session of the last parliament, and indeed during the whole course of it, to asperse the characters, and decry the measures, of those who were supposed to be friends to America; in order to weaken the effect of their opposition to the acts of rigour then preparing against the colonies. The speech contains a full refutation of the charges against that party with which Mr. Burke has all along acted. In doing this, he has taken a review of the effects of all the schemes which have been successively adopted in the government of the plantations. The subject is interesting; the matters of information various and important; and the publication at this time, the editor hopes, will not be thought unseasonable."

+ Charles Wolfran Cornwall, Esq. lately appointed one of the lords of the treasury.

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