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BREAD. The average price of the Quartern Loaf, weighing 4lb. 5oz. 8drms. in London, which
is nearly the same as in other parts of the country, 18. 04d.

WHEAT. The average price for the above period, through all England, per Winchester Bushel
of gallons: 98. 5d.

MEAT.-Per pound, on an average for the time above stated, as sold wholesale at Smithfield
Market, not including the value of skin or offal. Beef, 9d.; Mutton, 10d.; Veal, 11d.; Pork, 1s.
-N. B. This is nearly the retail price all over the country, the Butcher's profit consisting of the
skin and offal.

LABOUR.-The average pay per day of a labouring man employed in farming work, at Botley, in
Hampshire, being about a fifth higher than the wages throughout the whole country, 25. 2d.

BULLION. Standard Gold in Bars, per Oz. £5. 4s. 3d.-Standard Silver do. 6s. 114d. N. B. These
are the average prices, during the above period, in Bank of England Notes. The prices in Gold and
Silver Coin are for an ounce of Gold £3. 17s. 10žd.; for an ounce of Silver, 5s. 2d.

FUNDS.-Average price of the Three Per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, during the above pe-

riod: 661.

BANKRUPTS.-Number of Bankrupts, declared in the London Gazette, during the above pe-

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXV. No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 1, 1814. [Price 1s.

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change of dynasty in Sweden? Have we SUMMARY OF POLITICS. not, by the most solemn act, and in the PEACE.- At last there really does ap- name of The Most Holy and Undivided Tripear to be some prospect of this event. nity, acknowledged Bernadotte, a FrenchBut, uncommon exertions are making, by man, and not long ago a private soldier in the Anti-jacobin writers in this country, to the French armies, to be the lawful heir to prevent it. Their language is such as to the crown of Sweden? Nay, have we not make me fear, that they are not alone in ceded to him, in that capacity, an island, their wishes; and, therefore, it becomes us, forming part of the territories formerly the who wish to see peace before we die, to Bourbon's territories ?- -Still more reendeavour to counteract their malignant ef- cently have we not sanctioned a change, forts. The Declaration of the Allies that is to say, a revolution, in the governwas well calculated to move the gall of the ment of Holland? That government has Anti-jacobins, whom we find, at last, to been, all of a sudden, changed from a Rebe haters of the French nation, in a mass. public to a Principality, and we have apMere, vulgar haters of a whole nation; proved of the change.What, then, are haters of 30 millions of people, inhabiting the French alone not to be permitted to the fairest and richest part of the world, make any change in their rulers, or in the which is also the seat of science and the nature of their government? What asarts, and of periect religious liberty. surance what insolence, in us, to attempt The Anti-jacobins were for war against the to justify the continuance of war upon any Republicans of France; they were for eter- such ground?- -But, perhaps, the most nal war against them, because they acted striking instance is, our recognition of, and upon what were called "disorganizing our war for, Ferdinand VII., as King of principles.' Well, but the French are Spain, while his father is still alive! We no longer Republicans. They own the have a right to do this, as far as I know; sway of an Emperor, whose crown is here- but, I am quite sure, that, while we do ditary. Why, therefore, do they now wish this, we must be most unconscionably imfor war with France? Is it because Na-pudent, if we pretend, that a change of poleon is not a member of the old family, rulers, out of the settled course, in any and that to sanction, by treaty, a change of country, is a justifiable ground for our hosdynasty in France, might prove a most de-tility to that country. What ground, structive example? Why, has our then, is there for the war-men to stand change of dynasty done us any harm? Do upon in their opposition to peace with not we boast of a change of dynasty? Our France? Our France?If the political principles of old family was supplanted by a new one'; the French nation, and the change in her to wit; but the Illustrious House of Bruns-government and rulers, no longer afford the wick, and we call the event a "Glorious "Revolution." Nay, a foreigner came here to reign in the stead of our old discarded king, and that foreigner came, too, with foreign troops to assist him.To object, therefore, to peace with France, on account of the change in her dynasty, and to talk of continuing the war with her, in order to compel her to relinquish that change, would exhibit us to the world in the light of the most inconsistent and most impudent people that ever breathed. Besides, are we not now, even at this moment, sanctioning, in the most unequivocal manner, a complete

smallest pretence for an objection to treat with her for peace, it follows, of course, that there now remains no objection except as to TERMS; and, our war-men should have waited till they could have plainly stated the Terms of the Allies before they proceeded to prepossess the minds of the people against peace. This, however, is what they have not done. They have seized hold of the Declaration of the Allies as a text whereon to declaim against the power of France. They no longer talk of the principles of France. It is her power that they are now afraid of, and that, too, at a

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moment when they tell us, that Napoleon "land. There is no doubt that he will is an object of contempt! -Thus they "leave no artifice unpractised to separate us discover their insincerity; thus, by shifting" and our Allies. In this attempt we trust their ground and belying their own asser- "he will fail; for the Allies see and tions, they prove to us, that it is not safety" that their truest interests consist in the they want, but war. They profit from" closest and most intimate alliance with the war; and, that is their sole real objec-" this country.--But the Allies should tion to peace. The following publica-" guard against their generous feelings; tion, in the Courier of the 25th Dec., is they should not be hurried into conditions well worthy of the reader's attention, espe- "of peace less than their situation and cially if he bear in mind the real source "safety entitle them to claim. By peace, whence it has issued.He will be "France will gain every thing. She will amused with the confusion purposely intro- regain at least 300,000 of her best, troops, duced as to us, and the Allies; and with one-half of her best officers, and scamen the shifts, to which the writer is driven, in" sufficient to man 50 sail of the line. The order to make out a preliminary objection" obstinacy and rashness of Buonaparte to peace. And, then, the softened tone have thrown away the military means of which follows the melancholy supposition," France. Never again can Europe, exthat the Allies may be disposed to treat pect to find her so stripped of an army, separately, and to leave us in the lurch," so exhausted in her finances; never again notwithstanding the observation, said, in "can Europe expect to see a more formi the news-papers, to have been made, the "dable and victorious force opposed to other day, by the Duke of Clarence, just " France. The crisis is great, it is in faafter he told the company, at the Scotch "vour of the Allies, not only beyond exDinner, that he was a Scotch Prince and a "pectation, but beyond calculation, and if German Prince too. The observation was: "they do not reap the full advantage of it, that we had successfully fought all Europe," single-handed. Why, then, does this cowardly writer soften his tone in case the Allies, or any considerable member of the al-" and an army of half a million of men, Jiance, should secede ?But, let us now "commanded by a great military genius. One hear this writer, keeping in mind the pro- "victory may again give him possession of bable fact, that he is no more than the "Vienna, and Europe may be re-plunged mere mouth-piece of others.- "We ob-in all the miseries which it is now in her serve in the set of Frankfort Papers we power to erect an effectual barrier against. "have received, that Austria has repub-"This barrier is the ancient limits of "lished, in a Supplement to the Frankfort " France, as existing in 1789. Even those "Gazelle of the 22d November, the De-"limits have been found too powerful for claration she issued last August. The "the balance of power in Europe, and "molives that have led to the republication shall we increase them now we can reduce of this document, we are unable to ex- "them to a state of fair preponderance? If "plain. We may be sure, however, that "Buonaparté refuses such conditions, the "it has been done designedly. Surely "Allies should occupy Paris, restore the "Austria cannot mean that she republishes" Bourbon Family, re-create the Royal "it to shew that in November her demands "and conditions remain the same as they "were in August. In that declaration it

they may soon pay dearly for their folly. "In six months after a peace, France may "have fifty sail of the line, well manned,

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"Party, and effect their purpose by that means. The restoration of the Bourbons might not, indeed, be made a sine qua is stated, that if a general peace could non at present, but we should never for "not be made, a preliminary continental" get that that measure alone can afford "peace might be negociated. Is such a de-"well-founded hopes of a permanent peace. sign in contemplation now? Does Buo- But perhaps some of the Allies would "naparté wish to draw the Continental "not concur in insisting on conditions to "Powers into a separate peace, and is this" the extent of reducing France to her an"the cause of Lord Castlereagh's visit to "cient limits. In that case we must take "the Continent? We remark in the "just as much as the Alliance collectively "Speech a bitterness against England, and will demand. We must take conditions "we recollect that in a previous Speech to far short of those which safely requires, "the Senate, he had attempted to pique" and power enables us to dictate, rather the Continental Sovereigns with saying," than allow the secession of any material that their opinions were directed by Eng- Member from the Alliance. Should

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"more than her ancient limits be granted" consists in the closest and most intimate to France, Ministers will of course be connexion with this country," and that, la "prepared to shew that they would have therefore, no design of a separate peace caut "insisted on beller terms could they have be entertained. Why, I doubt, now, "prevailed on the Alliance collectively to for my part, whether the Court of Vienna!! "have concurred with them. If not they will see the thing in this light. I shouldy> 66 are undone; the country will execrate not be at all surprised, if there were per them, and two-thirds of the Opposition sons in that Court to assert, that it was to "will arraigu them. The Opposition are her connexions with this country, that V now laying in wait in hopes that insuffi-Austria owed all her losses and disgrace in l "cient terms of peace will bring them into former wars for the last 20 years; and, power. The country expects that the that now is the time, before it be too late, "terms will be sufficient. It is extrava for her to detach herself from us.-But, "gant, if not visionary, to hope that France it is absurd to suppose that all the Allies.... can ever again be found so weak while can find it their interest to be so closely allied 66 the Allies are so strong. It is highly to us. Tous, and whatare we? This presumpt “improbable that so favourable a crisis can tuous man says, in a subsequent paragraph, ever again occur. Let us take full ads that, if it had not been for us the Allies would 66 vantage of it, and not leave occasion for have been in a very different situation. ot "reproaching ourselves hereafter with a True, they will: probably say for,if iods "silly generosity to an enemy, whose high had not been for you, we should never have "est triumphs inspired him only with a been in the situation from which, by our "keener appetite for conquest, blood, and blood, we have now been rescued. Yes, n "rapine, Buonaparte must hate Austria there will not be wanting people, even in "so deeply, that if he again masters her, Russia, to remark, that London was quite "he will extinguish her and a very short safe, while Moscow was in flames=249 "time may place it in his power to revenge The Allies, this everlasting-war man says, A. "himself for the humiliating condition to should guard against their generous feel"which she has now brought him.sings." (Kind gentleman!) For, saysug We will take this article in its own orden; he," by peace France will gain a great A for, looking upon the writer as a mouth army, and. SEAMEN TO MAN 50 na piece, it is of considerable importance." SHIPS OF THE LINE. In six months He is at loss to explain the motives of Ause after peace she may have 50 ships of the tria in causing her former Declaration to be line well manned." Well! And what republished now; and says, "surely her is that to the Allies? How does this man demands and conditions cannot remain the know, that some of the Allies do not wish is same as they were in August! Perhaps they to see France with 50 ships of the line well do not remain the same precisely; but,loit manned? How does he know, that thereo is probable, that they do not very widely is nothing they would more avoid than toen differ; and, indeed, the republication of destroy the navy of France? We are the declaration of August is a strong pres always, as I said before, smelling after the sumptive proof that such is the fact. InFrench ships. We shall be deceived about August Austria proposed the negociating of these French ships. It is very wondera Preliminary Continental peace, in case a ful fif any thing in the impudence of these general peace could not be made. That is men can be wonderful), that our writers to say, in case England would not agree to who are for eternal war, never seem to resuch a peace as the maritime states were flect on our fleets; on our conquests; on willing to agree to, Austria proposed the our aggrandizement. And, do they really negociating of a peace on the land.There believe? I should not wonder if their preis no other sense in the words; and, insumption were to go that length. Do they deed, it is not reasonable to suppose, that really and in good earnest; can they seri all the nations of Europe that 150 mil.ously believe, that the Allies mean to be lions of people are to live for years longer in a state of warfare, their several homes alternately exposed to plunder and violence, and their blood continually exposed to be shed, merely on account of the commer cial interests of this Island. We are told by this eternal-war man, that Austria must now see, that her truest interest

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urged on by us to cripple France (supposing them to have the power), and to destroy her last ship, while we are to be quietly left in possession of all the colonies of the world, together, with the fleets of Holland, Portugal, Spain, and Denmark, and Si-.. cily ? Stupid men! They are so completely blinded in one eye by our self

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praises; by the endless braggings of our powers to the crippling of France. stage, our press, and our speechifyings, very legitimate object, perhaps ; but, one, that they never see but one side of the I believe, in which he will not succeed. question, if it relate to any dispute between It is rumoured, that disunion exists

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amongst the Allies and, if so, it must be allowed, if we reflect on the grand capacity, which his Lordship displayed în uniting Ireland with England, that a more proper man could not have been sent to the Quarters of the Allies. His Lordship will, I dare say, be well furnished with arguments in favour of union upon this occa sion; but, whether the same sort of arguments, which he so copiously and so suc

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us and any foreign nation. France, this everlasting-war man tells us, may, in six months, under the great military genius of Buonaparte, be again in possession of Vienna. I thought he was sunk so very low, the other day, as to be merely an object of contempt. Well; but he is not, it seems. But, if he be not; if it will take him so little time to assume his old attitude, is there not some risk in endeavour ing to push him further now. Oh no!cessfully used to the members of the Irish there is no risk to us. Very true, and the parliament; will have a similar effect upon Court of Vienna knows that very well. the Allies is more than we can yet be able -After all, however, we are, it seems, to decide. Be this as it may, it is downto take such terms as we can get, rather right folly to suppose, that he is gone to than send off any material member of the the Continent merely to prevent delays in alliance. But, we are afterwards told, communicating with our Allies. That canthat our maritime rights are not to become not be. He must be gone upon some very a subject of negociation at any Congress. important and very pressing business; some Very likely not but, then, I am pretty unexpected cause must have produced his certain, that peace will be made without journey his object must be of a nature to us; because we who will not suffer the admit of not a moment's delay It'ap Allies to treat of any thing of ours, cannot pears to me natural to suppose, that the be, I should think, such fools, such im Court of Vienna, not wishing either to pudent coxcombs, as to expect, that the destroy or to humble Napoleon, will by no Allies will suffer us to have any thing to ineans wish to weaken him on his maritime say as to any thing of theirs. No, not side, where he would be least formidable of If we mean to be admitted to a Congress to her. It may also be very natural for her ↑ for a general peace, we must bring all our to say, that, if she has honourable terms of conquests and all our maritime claims into peace, it may be advisable to leave him at ⠀ the general mass. The tone of impuwar with us. To prevent that, we must! dence which this writer takes towards the make application to her; and, with what b close, would excite indignation if it were face can we make that application, unless not so very ridiculous. "Let us," says we offer, at the same time, to bring in our he; take full advantage of our high si conquests, and our claims on the seas, to "tuation, and not leave occasion, here be disposed of and settled at a general "after, for reproaching ourselves with silly peace? The powers of the Continenti generosity."Just as if we had an have seen themselves, for many years, hararmy on the Rhine! Just as if we had made rassed on the one side by France and on the any offer to treat, or had the power to pre other side by us. They do wish, because ↓ vent peace for one day. The visit of they must wish, to see both nations reduced › Lord Castlereagh to the Allies is a matter in point of power; and, if they cannot ef of great moment.It is said, that he is fect that reduction by treaty, the only going in order to prevent delay in communi- means they have left, is, to leave us at w cating with our Allies. But, what makes war, while they enjoy peace, which, by a the case so very urgent? If a Gongress is prudent line of conduct, they may now about to be held, we, of course, if we are enjoy in safety. From the Speech of to be at it, shall have an Envoy there, with Napoleon and that of the Orator of Governfull powers to treat and our Secretary of ment, it very clearly appears, that nego State for foreign affairs will be constantly ciations are about to be opened; and, I wanted at home. Not it cannot be to think that there can be no doubt, that we negotiate, or to assist negociation, that he have had no hand in the matter. It does gone (if gone at all); but, to explain not follow, that we shall be excluded; but, "the views of our government," as we are if we go into a Congress, we must go with told; and, in fact, to endeavour to hold all our budget of conquests and maritime the alliance together andito urge on the claims.It is easy for us, whờ rơm hơiấy

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