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Elba. But, if there is any difl’erenco at all in the matter, it would have been infinitely more to the honour of this country to have kept from Napoleon the means of doing evil, than to refuse to acknowledge his imperial and kingly rank ; for, in the one case, if he is the dangerous and unprinciplcd character described, he has it in his power, with money in his hands, to sow discord when and where he pleases; whereas in the other, possessed of little more than the ' vain and empty titles of his former greatness, he would be more the object of contempt and ridicule than that of fear.— It was highly indecent, therefore, in this base writer, to accuse the Allies of “ strengthening revolutionary movements,” and of acting “ inconsistently” in their conduct towards Napoleon, after the participation which, it is plain, we have had in the business. Before any one attempted to censure the Allies for what they have done, they should have been prepared to —shew, that they themselves had no concern whatever in the transaction. It is not enough to say, that they discovered what appeared to them to be bad, and concurred only in the good; for, if there is any truth in the axiom of law, that the partial vitiation of a contract proves fatal to the whole, then the becoming an accesoary to any part of the treaty with Napoleon, implicatcsthe party so acceding in the morality or im~ morality of the entire transaction. But even Wore it. otherwise, I have yet to learn that it was less moral, on the part of the Allies, to sanction the payment of one million of francs to the ‘Empress Josephine, than it was, in Great Britain, to consent to the arrangements which secured the full sovereignty of the Italian States to the Empress Maria Louisa, and to her son and his heirs in succession. Have we not always said, at least, have not the writers in the T imes and the Courier repeatedly aflirmed, that Josephine was the vlaujhl wife of Napoleon, and that Maria Louisa was only his mistress, and the younglKing of’ Home a bastard .? They have even gone so far as to assert, that this child was not the offspring of the Arch-duchess, but a spuriouschild- imposed upon the credulous people ‘of ~ France.--‘Vhere, then, was the morality, where the honour of‘ giving our sanction to an article of a treaty which secured to’ the mistress and the bastard of a vile Emperm', (according to these base newspapers) the possession of eiz'iteuaive domains, while we refused to

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sanction an allowance to the lawful 1.037}, which bore no manner of proportion to that granted to her more fortunate rival ? \Vus it morality, was it honour, that made us concur in that stipulation of the treaty, which conferred the entire sovereignty of the Isle of Elba. upon the wort/[less Napoleon, while we refused to accede to ‘that part of the same treaty, by which the

French Emperor provided for the security‘.

of the persons and property of all Frenchmen who had attached themselves to the fortunes of his family ? Was it, in becoming a party to this generous act, that the Allies strengthened revolutionary movements; or were they less moral and less honourable than us when they consented, while we‘ refused, to that other article, by which Napoleon secured a safe conveyance home, with their arms and baggage, their decorations, and pensions, to the Polish troops in the service of France, “ as a tee“ timony of their honourable services P’— Really. one knows notiwhat'thcse honouriable men of the ‘T {mes and Coumkr; these modern sticklers for what they call scangelz'cal morality, would be at. What they denounce crime and vice to-day, they extol to the skies to-mo'rrow, as the first of vir-' tucs; what they pronounce dishononrable and immoral in the Allies, when it does not readily meet their views, becomes all at once magnanimous and praiseworthy, when they find it. adopted by the party whose cause they have determined on all occasions to espouse. When it was given out that this Government had positively refused to become a party to the treaty with Napoleon, there was no 'part of it which these writers censured with greater malignity than that which secures to him the en_ tire possession of the Isle of Elba. It was ,then the changes were rung, from dayto day, upon all the abusive epithets they were in

use to lavish upon him', it was then that'

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'and actually subscribed to that article,

which these men were so loud in condemning- as the hasest anrfthe most dishonourable of the whole; But, instead of this discovery leading these infamous traducers

.3 . ‘as over every other Countryc

t0 jllStlCC; to' tlxc motive: of the Allies, they have become the more bold and audacious, and,in defiance of all decency; totally regardless of all principle, they endeavour, by the vilest sophistry, to convert _ into crime the magnaminit of others, merely because it gratifies their malignant and revengel‘ul dispositions towards an individual, whose conduct, if fairly balanced in Jthe scale, would, perhaps, be found ten times more pure than that of his base accusers. That Napoleon has been guilty of many errors, none will deny; but that he has perpetrated the crimcs which have been ascribed to him, is what not one amongst a thousand pretend, to believe. At least, if they do say they believe those charges, it is not because ‘they have examined them, but because they have taken them uponthc word of others, whose motives they have not been at the trouble to investigate. The only crime, in my opinion, of which Napoloan has been guilty, is that against liberty. Ilerc he has enough to answer for, without loading him with imaginary crimes, which can serve no other purpose than to divert the attention from the real nature of his oll'encc. It is to his enmity to freedom that all his misfortunes are to be traced, and had these misfortunes .been much greater than they have been, he would, for this cause alone, have deserved them all. But While we reprohate and deplore the conduct of the man upon grounds which are tenable, let us not forget the good which he has done to France, in consolidating those admirable laws and institutions

‘to which the Revolution gave birth, and

the benefits of which, I am persuaded,\notwithstanding the great faults he committed, it was his intention to communicate to surrounding nations. Inasmuch as his down

fall may have prevented or retarded this, it‘

may be considered a matter of regret; but, viewed as the just reward of his apostacy from liberty, it is a circumstance whichno one who values genuine freedom can so’

_ riously deplore.

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poleon renoun'ces fol-himself, his successors, and descendants, as well as for all the memlaers of his ‘family, all right of so!“ "ea-eighty and dominion, as well to‘ the 'FrcnchEmpin-eysnd the Kingdom'of Italy,

>1.‘ '

- Art. 2. Their Majcstics the Emperor Napoleon and lldaria Louisa shall retain their titles and rank, to he ‘enjoyed during their lives.’. The mother, the brothers; sisters, nephews, and nieces 0f the ‘Empef

reside, the titles of Princes of his family. '

Majesty the Emperor Napoleon ‘as the place of his residence, shalll f6i‘m,'-during his life, a'separato principality, which shall be possessed by him in full Sovereignty and property; there shall be besides granted, in {all property, to the‘v Emperor Napoleon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs, in renticharge, in the great bookof France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the .Emprcss. ~

Art. 4. The Duchies of-Parma, Placen‘

property ‘and Sovereignty, to her Majesty the-Empress Maria Louise 5- theyshall pass to her son, and to the descendants in the right line. The Prince her son shall ‘from henceforth take the title ofPrinceof Par-ma,‘ Placrntia- and Gaustalla. ‘

Art. 5. All the Powers engage to employ their good- oilices to cause to be rcs-' pccted by the Barbary Powers the flag-and territory of the Isle ofElba, for which purpose the relations with the Barbary Powers shallbe assimilated to those with France.

Art. 6; There shall be reserved in the tcrritories'hereby renou'nc'ed, to his Majesty the 'Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains .or rent-charges in the great book of'France', producing a rave

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"which they shall possess by indi'vidu and‘

tar, shall also retain, ‘wherever they may _

Art-.3. The Isle ofElba, adopted by his ‘

tin, and Guastalla, shall. be granted, in full

nue, clear of all deductions’ and charges, of .

posed ofas they shall think fit, to the Prin- '

Francs. To Madame Mere.. . . . ,. . . . . . . . . . . . . 300,000To King Joseph and his Qneem. .. 500,000 , To King Louis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200,000 To the Queen Hortense and her children . . . . . . . . . . . ..' . - . . . . . . . .. 400,000

To King Jerome and his Queen. . . . ~' 400,000 '

.. 300,004; _

bbsides their ‘property, moveable and imy

public right, and the rents of which they‘ ’ shall enjoy (also as individuals.) ‘

Art. "I. The annual pension of the Empress Josephine shall be reduced to 1,000,000, in domains, or‘ in inscriptions in the great book of France: she shall continne to enjoyin full property, ‘all her private property, moveahle and immoveable, with power to dispose of it conl'ormably to the French laws.

- Art. 8. There shall be granted to Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment out of France. ' '

Art. 9. The property which his hiajesty the Emperor Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or of private domain attached to the Crown, the funds placed by the Emperor, either in the great book of France, in‘ the Bank of France, in the Actions des F orets, or in any other manner, and which his Majesty abandons to the Crown, shall .be reserved as a capital, which shall not exceed 2,000,000, to be expended in gratifications in favour of such persons, whose names shall he contain— ed in a list to be signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and shall be transmitted to the French Government.

Art. 10. All the Crown diamonds shall remain in France.

Art. 11. His lllajesty the Emperor Napoleon shall return to the Treasury, and to the other public chests, all the sums and ell'ects that shall have been taken out by his orders, with the exception ofwhat has been appropriated from the Civil List. .

Art. 12. The debts of the Household of his lllajesty the Emperor Napoleon,such_'as they were on the day of the signature of the present Treaty, shall be immediately discharged out of the arrears due by the publicTreasury to the Civil List, according to a list, which shall be signed _by a Commissioner appointed for that purpose.

Art. 13. The obligations of the bluntNapoleon, of Milan, towards all the creditors, whether Frenchmen or foreigners, shall be exactly fulfilled, unless there shall be any change made in this respect. 7

-Art. 14. There shall be given all the ne-. cessary passports for the free passage of his iMajesty the Emperor Napoleon, or of the Empress, the Princes, and Princesses, and

all the persons of their suites who wish to _

accoln any them, or to establish themselves out of rance, as well as forthe passa e of all the equipa cs, horses, and eli'ects beTonging to-tbem. he Allied Powers shall in con

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his guard 400 men, volunteers, as well'

ofiicers, as sub-ollicers and soldiers.

Art. 18. N0 Frenchman, who shall have followed the Emperor Napoleon or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as such, by not returning to France, within three years; at least they shall not be comprised in the exceptions which the French Government reserves to itself to grant after the expiration of that term.

Art. 19. The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall he at liberty to return home, and shall ret'a'in their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their h0nourable services. The OfliCtI‘S, subofiicers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have been granted to them, and the pensions annexed to those decorations. » ' .

Art. 20. The high Allied Powers guarantee the execution of all the Articles of the present Treaty, and engage to obtain. that it shall be adopted and guaranteed by; France. _

Art. 21. The present Act shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Paris within two days, or sooner if possible.

Done at Paris, the 11th of April, 1814. (L. S.) The Prince de METTERNICH. (L.S.) J. P. Compte de STADION.

(L. S.) ANDRE Comte de RASpUNlOUFSKY.

(L.S.) CHARLES Ronrn'r Comte de
Nrsssmonr. “

(L.S.) CASTLEREAGH.

(L.

S.) CHARLES Aveus'rr; Baron do, l

HARDENBERG. (L. S.) (L.S.)

Marshal NEY. CAuLmcouR'r. , _

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To run EMPEROR ALEXANDER.

The reception which your hlajesty has experienced in England must compel you to reflect. The coarse but hearty welcome you, a stranger, have'met with, compared,

\

\ cient capital of the world.

with the discordant tones lavished upon the Prince Regent, who was born and educated among the people of this country, and to whom, therefore, he must be thoroughly known, will convince you, that in a Sovereign something besides rank and power are requisite to gain the people’s alfection ; AND ON .\ PEOPLE’s AFFECTION RESTS rm: SECURITY or‘ A SOVEREIGN. Emperor! to flattery I am it stranger, and unto tlatterers be thou a. foe.—Report speaks highly of thy intellect, and of thy heart. Justify that report. Let thy travols he to the advantage of Russia, and of mankind in general. At thy return he a second PETER, in thy endeavours to Immam'sc and liberate thy subjects. Ileign by love, and not by fear and terror. Shed not thy subject’s blood through ambition, or for the gratification of courtiers. Drain not the people’s substance to pamper sycophants, or encourage vice or treachery; and, finally, let thy subjects see in thee a patternof justice, of temperance, and of morality.— To them appear not a criminal. The consequences thou now scest, and then will experience. ARISTIDES.

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THE Pom—While Em erors Kin as, P i is

' and Princes, are celebrating their grand,

jubilee in the capital of the British emire, to the iuexprcssiblegratification of John Bull and his numerous family, accounts have arriyed that his Holiness the Pope’ has also been exhibiting himself ‘to the pious inhabitants of the am“ The Holy Father,” says an article under the head Rome, in the Paris Papers, “ made his

' grand entrance into the Vatican, on the

24th instant. Before-daybreak an im-o

~mense crowd, of all ranks, hastened through

the gate at which vhis Holiness was expected to'enter. He was received by their hIajesties the King and Queen of Spain, and the Queen of Etruria, on quitting his carriage, at the countny¢house, La Justiniana, where he rested. an hour.— Messrs'. Fagan. and Druids, the English Consuls, rwcre (/1011 presented, and mast graciously receiver]. The Ministers from the Courts of Vienna, Portugal, Naples, 8w. also formed part of the cavalcade,.and the whole entered Rome amid theacclamationstof the people. Several Addresses were, in the course of the day, presented to his Holiness." From this, it appears, that the war in which we were lately engaged, was really a war for religion, not

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withstanding all that senders and infid'els have said on that score. Not only have we Consuls at Rome, to congratulate the Holy Father on his restpratiou to the chair ‘ of St. Peter, butwe were lately infuriated V by the Coun'er, that the Pope had sent Cardinal Gonsalvi, bis h'iinister for Foreign All'airs, to England, with a letter to the, Prince Regent, thanking him for the active i part his Royal Highness had taken in recstablishing the Roman Catholic Church upon its former basis. I do not know whether his Holiness styled our Regent “ a _ true Son of the Church,” but I am sure it~ he did not, he made a most ungrateful rcturn for the benefits conferred on him by . his Royal Highness. It. has been said, that the Prince Regent is secretly attached to‘ Catholic Emancipation, and would immediately confer that boon upon the Irish nation, were it not for the naughty interference of . some of his father’s Ministers. 11y opinion is, that'those who are the loudest in their cry in behalf of the ~1rish, go the wrong way to work to better their condition. Instead of bawling about their eligibility to fill public situations, by which only'a few at the most would be benefited, I think the best boon we could confer upon the Irish, would be to render them more civilian], , and to destroy that abominable system of middle-men, which intervenes between the landholder and the peasant, and renders the situation of the latter more abject and deplorable, than that of the negroes in the ‘Vest India Islands, respecting whom so v much clamour is now raised against France, though there was not a word to be heard on the subject while these Islands 1e- . mained in our own possession, or in that I of the ‘Allies. I was, at first, inclined to think that the Prince Regent, by the re»ceptiou which,.it is said, he gave to the ' Pope’s Legato, intended this as a prelude to some concessions in favour of the Irish Catholics; but the late proclamation issued in Ireland, by which the Catholic Board hasbeeu declared an illegal Assembly, satisfies me that it is not the intention of his Royal Highness to shew any greater countenance to the successor of the great. Apostle, than what he has already done. This has greatly quieted my alarms, for I was afraid that we were on the eve of again becoming a Catholic nation. in reality. I dislike the cant and rant of most of our modern sectarians, and would even prefer the reign of the Pope, to that empire over

a

minds which these madman and visionariel}

.q l A

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POWER AND RIGHT.

SIR, Hume says, “ the origin of “ all Right is Power 5” and another of equal celebrity asserts, that the nation that holds “ the trident of Neptune” must always rule the world by commanding its weak/i. If those observations be ust, which I believe no one will doubt, why do your friend Cobb make such a pothcr about taxes ; for have they not been very generally caused by the system adopted for “ the liberation of Europe ?” Do we not possess n naval force morethan a match for all the rest of the world? Have we not sugar, cofi‘ee, ginger, pepper, nutmegs, file. for which nearly all Europe must depend upon us ? Why, then, do we hesitate in laying a. thumping export duty on ‘them, in order to reimburse ourselves, in part, at toast, for the vast expense we have been at, by obliging the Continental consumers to pay us a proper tribute on them,_ as the best means we can adopt for that end, or why our boasted naval supcrzhrz'fiy and maritime nights .1 BOB SHORT.

C'lg'j'ian, June 131/), 1814'.

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' Conn Laws.

SIR,-Ai'ter the nonsense which we have of late been subjected to read, on the subject of the CornBill, it does one good, at last, to meet with a little common sense. I allude to your Letter to the People of Southampton; and I sincerely hope it may tend to produce a more correct way of thinking through the country in general. There is one point upon which I cannot altogether agree with you; and that is, the impropriety and inefliciency of any’ restriction at all._ It is allowed, that the taxes, direct and indirect, ali'ecting the growers of corn in this country, amount to some ‘pounds per acre; of course to a considerable sum per uarter of wheat, call it twenty shillings. Is not the same protecting power, which imposed this bur-_ den upon the British agriculturist, bound in justice to tax foreign corn in the same proportion, when imported into this coun— try, however small the quantity may be? You seem to allow that every quarter im

ported must diminish the growth at home, which is, in truth, allowing that‘ it must alYect the price. To the extent of the taxes, the British farmer is entitled ' to‘ protection against even the chant? of loss : it is not only justice but goodepolicy, and by it the real interest of the consumers of corn will be best eonsulted.--l\iorcovor, as you yourself have shewn, it is a measure imperious upon the Government. It in the fruit of their system—and to them it. ought to have been left. “To should then ' have seen none of that hypocriticat-oppo- ' sition on the part of those who must be convinced of its absolute nccessity—.gft/Ie interest the debt is to be paid. At page 720 of your last number, (in the same Let~ ter to the good People of Southampton) youv allude to the tlcprc‘riaiion as one cause of the high prices, and as another reason‘ for restriction—that is, as alledged by the farmers. I But it must be evident, that thedepreciation is always a suficient protection against its own eil'ects. It has no doubt a very important share in the rise of prices, but this circumstance ait'ccts the i’breign grower oi‘ corn in the some way as the British. A Polish farmer, or rather merchant, who, twenty years ago, sent his wheat to this country, and Fold it with advantage at forty shillings a quarter, cannot do so now. Two pounds sterling were then equal to a. certain quantity of gold or silver. Now, they will not produce so much of these metals by a third at least, and in that proportion (other things sup:

posed equal) must he be paid in the present. _

depreciated paper. The state of the fo~ reign exchange is the unerring index to everyfbrcfgncr upon this subject. It is odd, that with the immense exports from this country of late, and still mare from. the predictions and 'asserhbns in Parlia

ment, by men who ought to know these matters, that a change has not taken place: _

But we must have patience l—There is

nothing for it but patience l'-—I am, Sir,

‘your constant Reader, TYRO. Mid-Lot/zian, 48th June, 1814. _

FRENCH H nsr. 0F ComrousT—The Chamber of Deputies at Paris, which corresponds-with the plan of our House’ of

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Commons, held its first sitting on‘ the 13th I

inst. Though the debates were no way

interesting, being of a personal nature beli ,

tween'two of the. members respectingethe right of foreigners to a seat in the Assem

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bly, I Have given the Report oiv it below as a curiosity, and that some idea. may he

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