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that‘if the Bill did tend to keep up the

price of corn, its advantage would be to the Government and the fundholder, and not to me; and, I sh'oiild clearly have shewn them, that the average high prices of late years,are to be ascribed to the fares and the currency ; and, of course, that I was not one of those, to be blamed, unless I had shared in t/ze ta.1:es.—If l\Ir. \Vhitbread, Mr. Coke, and other great landholders had done this in their places in the House, the former would not now have had to express his vexation at seeing George Rose'called “ the fiifend of the “ people.”--I showed it in 'my last, but I will shew‘ it again here, that the average high price of corn is occasioned by the taxes and, the. paper money, I say the

, ‘average bbserved, because the difference in

price between one year and another, is occasioned by thestliil'crence in the quantity and quality of the crop.-—During the last peace, from 1183 to 1792 inclusive, the average price of the quarter-n loaf was ‘7d. During the ‘war that has just been happily ,put an end to, the average price of the, same loaf has been about 14d.— During the former period, the annual taxés raised in the country amounted to about 14 millions .; during _the,lattcr period, to about forty millionst currency of 1792 was 21s. tea guinea. ,It has of late years been 2'15. to a guinea: f Can there be any doubt as to the real datises, then, of the average

‘ rise in the price of corn P—JI'hose who eat

the Jory’ must pay thetax upon the land, and upon all the things usicd in its cultivation. It is well, known, that the tax upon beer, salt, sugar, soap, candles, quack me

_dicmes, 81C. ispuid by the consumer. And -' must .it not be the same with bread?

Paper, for instance, was about 25s. a ream. A tax of two or three_ ‘shillings was added to the 'old tax. Paper rose two or three shillingsa ream immediately; and, who

_ was fool enough to lay the blame upon the ‘paper-maker, or the stationer? This Berni;

ter, for anothepinstiace, pays a tax of Bid. but tl'lc tax is paid finally by the reader,

land, horses, leather, iron, wood, hemp, glc. 816. paid back to the farmer by those who eat the loaf. Take oil‘ his land tax, property tax, horse tax, dog tax, windowtux, gig tax, iron tag, wood tax, leather tax, soap tax, candle tax, salt tax, pepper tax,s-ugar tax, malt tax, house tax, painted cloth tax, and a hundred others that I can; not recollect. Take off all these from him, and ut them, at once, fairly upon the loqf {Isa/[Fee that people may see how the thing is, and he will not need more than about thirty shillings for a quarter of wheat; But,. if he must still pay them all, they must be paid back'to him again ;_ and, if they continue at their present amount, he must, upon an average of ‘years, have one, buns dred shillings a quarter for his wheat, that price being necessary to enable him to pay the taxea—This being so clear and indisputable,‘ it follows, of course, that the ins crease of the taxes is the cause of the average high price of corn and of the loaf; and that, if any body is to be blamed for this high price, it must be those who have 0ccgsr'oned the increase 9f the taxes. Now, certainly, one of these is this very George Rose, who has, from 1792 to the present moment, been writing pamphlets (for it is a‘ pamphleteer that I now consider him).to urge the continuance of war, and to justify the expenditure of public money and the imposition of taxes. Yet, he is called the friend of flu‘ people, while Mr. Coke is called’ their cnomyl ‘- George Rose and his family are become rich out of the taxes, They have been, for many years, sz'necure placcmcn and active placemm too. They have reteived immense sums out ol the taxes imposed ‘since 1192. Consequently (lic-y have‘ helped to make corn highpriccd; because the taxes are, in great part, drawn‘ from the land. The taxes which 'they'have received have helped to make bread dear. ‘Vhat they now receive, in various ways, out of the taxes, still helps to keep up the nice if bread. And yet, George Rose 15 called the friend of the people l—He and his family contend, that :thcy have received no more than their services merited. Let us, for argument’s sake‘, grant them the assertion. But that does not alter the case, They have still helped to make bread dear. And, if they tell us,

as he did once before, in a pamphlet, that '3. .

we had to choose between paying enormous I taxes, and losing “ the blessed comforts # “ religion,” it comes; to this, at last, that

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and not bytbc proprietor. So is the tax on

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having had to decide, whether we'wo '

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preserve those blessed comforts, at the expence of dear bread, or lose the blessed comforts ; and, having made the former choice, We have no right to grumble at- paying for dear bread, since, by the means of a long and bloody war, we have preservedthe bless'ed comtbrts.-~'l‘hus, then, it comes, home to the mass of the nation. The nation has sulferéd the ‘war to go on; taxes were necessary to thewar, and the high price of bread is necessary to the taxes. But the thing lies deeper yet. The blame, if any, is to be imputed to'the want of a Reform in the Parliament, It was the want of that ‘reform which occasioned the enormous taxes. The‘ taxes have produced the high price of bread. We now see explained in practice 5What Sir Francis Burdett said of those lords and country gentlemen, who spent

"their time at agricultural meetings and

cattle-shows. He told them, that while they thought of doing good in that way, they neglected the true means of making the people happy. “7e now see them reproached with those very high prices, which have been rendered indispensable by the taxes, which they so readily permitted to be imposed. While their favourite pursuits received no check, they joined in reviling every one who disapproved of the system‘, and now they must console themselves as they can for the natural consequences of their conduct. So long as the farmer flourished, they seemed to care very little about the burdens of the war. They were amongst the forwardest to support taxes. But a state of things having arrived, in which, as they think, their full share of the taxes will fall upon them, not perceiving

_ how it fell uponthem before, they begin to

discover symptoms of fielz'ng. This is good; and it may encourage us to hope, that they will extend their feeling to others

' byland-bye—For my part, I have, I think,

now done with this discussion» I shall be glad to see the Bill dropped, and so I leave it. But before I conclude, I cannot help expressing my pleasure at seeing, ‘that the City of lf’csfminster has taken no part in this silly clamour. That good sense, which has, always distinguished that city, has made its inhabitants perceive that this was a subject beneath the notice of men, who set a proper value upon their rights; who consider the dictates of the mere belly as unworthy of being listened to. This their conduct shows, that they are good judges of the subjects that ought to engage their attention. TAXES, and the CAUSE

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causes other than the true one, which, if ‘once rightly understood, and constantly I

kept before the public mind, could not fail to produce that reform, without which no event will ever make this country what it formerly was.

TREATY or Peace. Peace is, at last, made with France; and FRANCE, after all her toils, is at peace. I wish I could say the same of our own country; but the day of 7101' peace is, I fear, far distant yet. ' The terms of the Peace will be best gathered from the document itself, a copy of which I have given below. But, it is material to observe, that the terms are very honourable to France.

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She retains the territories which the Na- ‘ tional Assembly took from the Pope, and V

which were always a thorn in her side. She keeps an extensive tract,v not formerly hersShe rounds her territory‘, and strengthens her defence against Belgium and Germany. She keeps all the precious spoil, which the Republicans took from the galleries in Belgium ‘and Italy. She pays back no requisitions.v She gains the loss of three Colonies; and, as i we had been resolved that she should not ruin herself in means as well as moralsb aconnection‘ with the East Indies, she is to have no fortifications in that corrupting country. It would have been better for her if she held had no Colonies at all of any sort. She ought now to bend her attention to the settlement of her'Government at home;

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choosing of representatives, ought to have

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arms ready for the defence of the country. It‘ Arms 1'11. t/re hands qfji'eemen,” is the only safe defence of nations. Every man, ‘who is a friend to freedom, must feel uncommonly anxious as to what will now be done in France. He must be extremely anxious to see the French nation enjoying prosperity and tranquillity, under a free and wise Government, because it is more that we are to see who; has been produced by that grand Revolution, which has ‘so long agitated the world. \Ve are new to see what is the change which that event will have efl'ected. \Ve are now to see whether the example of France he, or ' be not, worth following by any enslaved and humbugg'ed nation. We shall now, var soon, be able to draw a correct compar 'n between the state of France before ‘the Revolution and offer the Revolution. And, what is equally ' important, we shall be able to see what difference there is in OUR situation since the French Revolution bega'tm—‘Vhat will now’ 'be said by those malignant men, who, through the T imes and Courier newspapers, pressed it 'upon the Allies not to _ leave a status or a 'uz'ctm'e at Paris. \Vho urrred them, tooth !and nail, to compel the King of France to disband all his regular army; to keep ‘back the French prisoners of war until he agreed to such terms ? ‘Vhat will the malicious wretches say now ? Why, they do say ‘nothing. They receive the treaty ‘with a sort of sulky reserve. They. talk about the-generosity of the Allies. The Alliescould not do otherwise than they have done. If the Allies had attempted ‘to extort degrading terms from France, they would have had no peace at all. The French nation is too great in itself to admit'of any such terms. liepAllied Sovereigns on the Continent stand in \some fear of each other. France does, and always will, hold the balance of Europe _in her hands. ‘Any one power joined with her must be more than a match for all the rest of Europe. The same cannot be said of any other two powers.‘ Therefore, it has been no act qf generosity on the part of the Allies. L It has.heen an act of expediency, and, indeed, of necessity. If they, with their baydncts in France, had ' joined together, and insisted upon degrading terms, the king would have been Ioversct very soon by the people; and the ‘lava, as Pitt called it, would have hursted forth again. But each of the Powers had ‘its own private interests to take care of,‘

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and this interest would not allow them to do that which ourmaliguant writers wished them to do. The treaty, or rather treaties, have been the result of calculations of interest, and have proceeded from no sentiment of generosity. ‘Vell, now ‘, how comes peace to US ?-—-It ‘has been stated in the newspapers, that the news of the signature of the Treaty was received at Lloyd's Coffee-House with a sort of/zab‘lsuppresscd murmur.’ There ‘is no Treaty of Commerce! Peace to us is not what it is to France. It gives us no hope of a reduction of taxes, while it opens the sea to all the world. Other nations will now enjoy each its share of commerce. A new and large loan accompanies our peace; while other nations, freed of their debts, otl'er security for that moveable property, of which England has so long been the sole depot. The weight of our taxes, hearing so heavilyon the people of fixed-income, or not partaking in the gains of trade and labour, will induce them to seek abroad those enjoyments, which they cannot have here. A person, who has no business by which to gain, knowing that he can live as well for ‘a, hundred poundsa year in France as he can here for four hundred pounds a-year, will feel a strong desire to get rid of his. present state. All this is felt now, and will be felt more and more daily; and, as this description of persons withdraw themselves from their share of the burden of our taxes,

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'that burden must fall the heavier on those

of us who remain. A man having funded property in Fngland, pays to the Government ten pounds out of every hundred pounds of interest annually. , In France he would pay nothing out of the hundred; \Vill he not seek to remove that property 2’ Besides the dearness of living, occasioned by the taxes, is quite a sufl'icient inducement; and,- as there is not only no prospect, of any considerable part of the taxes being taken'oll',‘ but a certainty that they cannot, must not the consequence be an alarming emigration ? If, indeed, we could return to old prices ,' if we could come back to the seven—pmny loaf of 1792, before Pitt’s war against the French Republicans began; if we could shake oil‘ the taxes,or reduce them, to fourteen millions a year; then people would stay at home, as they did before the French Revolution; but to this state we cannot return, as long as the interest shall continue to be paid upon the National Debt. _ .......lustasIwas finsihing the last sentence, the newspaper,

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~ .home to my notions about old prison—I

shall insert it here; for I look upon it as singularly valuable. ,“ 1W1‘. Huskisson “ said, evc subject alluded to by the Ho“ nourable gentleman would, as the motion " was shaped, come before the Committee; “for the first reference to that Committee “ was that of all the Petitions on the Table “ on the subject of the Corn Laws. In “ some of these Petitions the freedom of “ trade was surely introduced. He hoped, “ therefore, that the Honourable Gentle“ man would give his vote for the Coni“ mittee. He would state the reasons why “ he supported the present motion for a “ Committee, though he objected to.thc ap“ pointment of a Committee on a former “ occasion. He believed now, as he did “ then, that there was no probability of any

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- “importation ‘of Corn into this country,

“ before the‘next harvest. The only cir“ cumstances which varied his view, was “that of the numberof Petitions which had “ been presented to the House. The views “of these Petitioners, even if founded in “ misrepresentation, although they ought “ not to induce any Member to do that “ which he was not convinced was just and “proper, were still entitled to the most “ respectful consideration of the House. “ Although the Petitions were in many in

' “ stances the result of malevolent and mis

“ taken appeals to the feelings of the people, “ they ought to be met by temperate inqui“ ry and the fullest investigation. The cir“ cumstance of such a number of Petitions, “ therefore, afforded a ground for those who “ were favourable to the measure, to sup“ port the present inquiry; for the object “ of these Petitions was not to make any “ alteration in the Corn Laws, or to make

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“ no alteration in them without further-in“ quit-y. 'With respect to the encourage“ nn-nt which ought to be allordcd to the “ farmer, it should ‘lie considered, that “ there was now a great diminution in the “ value ofmonry,‘ and that the capital ne~ “ cessary for carrying on of farming opera“ tions, must now be double to what it was “ before the war. The Noble Lord '(Lord “ A. Hamilton)decez'ved hz'msel , therefore, “ if he, thought, that things could return to “ what they were btfire the war. This was “ one of the most dangerous errors which “ could be entertained. ‘Vhat was like to “ be the permanent charge of this country, “ now that the war was at an end ? The “ whole expences of this country, including “all our establishments before the war, “ only amounted to 16 mill-ions. He could “ not anticipate what part of our present

.“ establishments would be now kept up;

“ but whatever they might be, he believed “ that our peace establishment must entail “ on us a permanent charge of nearer 60“ than 50 millions. “'ould this produce

“ no alteration ‘in the money value of"

“ articles? \Vhen Gentlemen talked of “ the increased price of bread, was not “ every thing else raised in proportion, and “ that not in consequence of the high price‘ “ of bread, but the amount of taxation .2 It “ was impossible or the country to return “ to the prices blfifre the war. It had been “ said that ‘the obvious remedy to “ lower the rents. He had not the good‘ “ fortune to be a landholder, and he had no “ interest but that of the public in general“ “ in view. The proportion qf the gross “ proceed of land, which now Qame to the “ landlord, however it might be re resented “ in ‘money, was now much less t am what “ it was in 1792. Previous to the war, in “ a farm of moderate extent, the farmer “considered himself requited if he made “ three rents from it. But it was necessa“ ry, in the case of such a farm now, that “ the farmer should make at least five rents “ to be enabled to go on. Ifém’n the “ whole rental oflhe country were remitted, “it would be znzpossible to return to 1.70 “ prices before the war. He was not aflaid “ to declare that the people of this country “ must not expect, be the law onthe subject “ what it may, that, with our burthcns, the “ price of bread can ever be LESS “ THAN DDUBLE TO WHAT IT “ WAS BEFORE THE \VAR.”-—-\ There, my worthy neighbours of Southampton ! There is comfort for you l Are

> much as I can get.

_ state.

\ - . you now satisfied 1\Ir. Grant, of Portsmouth, the “ down corn down horn” orator? You, perhaps, did not believe me ', but you will pay some attention to Mr. Huskisson, who must know something about what our peace taxes'will be.—The thing is so plain, that is impossible that many members of the'House should not have viewed it in the same light. It’ is impossible that they should not have seen it thus ; but, except IVIr. Huskisson, no one has plainly said what it was necessary to say. What I most wonder at is, that Mr. Coke should expose himself to be hanged in effigy on such an account. “Mr. Huskisson, however, seems to think, that the Bill, if it had passed '[it is thrown out], would have done good to t/zegro'wcr of'lwlwat. Here I

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' differ from him. I grant that itsefi'ect, though

in'a very small degree, would have ‘been to cause more corn 'to be grown in the country ,to prevent great fluctuations ; to prevent the slot/{fill and z'mprovizlent farmer from being ruined in certain cases; to make- his trade a more steady and uniform‘ thing. But what. is all this to the calling generally ? I have very well considered the tendencies of

' the proposed Bill; I am deeply interested in

what is generally supposed to have been the object of it; in short, I have a‘ great deal of wheat to sell, and wish to sell it for as And yet, I sincerely declare, that I think it will he a—good to me, that the Bill did not pass. ,4 _ IfI am right, then, how wrong must my good neighbours of‘ Southampton be? and how erroneous the sentiments of those numerous petitions, which the belly has bclehed forth upon this occasion l To return to the subject of peace as- it all'ectsEngland, we

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I now see that there are others besides my

self, who say that the seven-penny [org/‘cannot ‘return ; that our taxes‘ must continue, and that the high prices must' continue alongwith them, upon an average ofyears; These truths, though not acknowledged, arefklt ,' and hence it is, that with a Definitive Treaty of Peace on the tables of Parliament, the public funds do not rise a

7 single fraction.’ This is what never was

known before, since the system of funding began ; and the reason is, that peace never before found the nation in so burdened a While the war lasted, men were blind to every thing but the'events and chances of the warr The nation seems to have agreed to shut its eyes to consequences. A vague sort of hope existed, that peace would bring things back to'the

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state of ' 1792. Peace can no more [do that, than it can bring my hair back to the colour of 1792', unless it can first bring back the taxes and the currency to the amount and the value of 1792. This truth, though the reason on which founded, is, perhaps, seen clearly by few fundholders, is felt by them all, 'As cattle. and sheep are guided by instinct to provide against the inclemency of the weather, and, in other respects, to take care of their health and their lives; so there is about. man a sort of instinct, which guides him in the care of his interests, to which, generally speaking, he is, without knowing why, as true as the dial to the sun. ' The loan, about to be made, may have had some _ effect depressing the funds; but still they would have risen something in price, had it not been for the circumstances, of which I have been speaking, ' TREATY 0F PEAQE, IN THE NAME OF THE MOST not? AND - UNDIVIDED TRINIVTY.

His Majesty the King of 'France and Navarre on the one part, and his hiajesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Allies on the other, being animated by an equal Wish to put an end to the long agitations of Eu: rope, and to they calamities of nations, by a, solid Peace, founded on a just distribution, of fore between the Powers, and contains ing in its stipulations the guarantee of its duration; and his Majesty ‘the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Allies, no longer wishing to exact from France at the present moment, when being replaced under the paternal government of her Kings, she thus offers to Europe a pledge of security and stability, conditions and guarantees which they had to demand with regret under her late G01 vernment', their said lldajesties have ap-_ ~pointed Pleuipotentiaries to discuss, conclude, and sign a treaty of ace and friend: ship; that is to say :— is, Majesty the King of France and Navarre, M, Charles MauriceTalleyrand Perigorde, Prince of-_ Benevento, Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honour, Grand Cross of the Order of Leopold of Austria, Knight of Order of St. Andrew of Russia, _ of the Orders of‘ the Black and Red Eagle of Prussia, (Sic, his hlinister and Secretary of State for. Foreign Alliairs; and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and ..Bohemia, 1V1. M. Prin e Clement Wsnseslss Lofliairs a Mettemich With

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