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will, I think,ibegin to fear, that you have promulgated something very much like nonsense, under the name of your worthy chief magistrate ; but you have the consolation of not being singular ; for your sentiments, if a. set of crude seltlcontradictions ought to be called sentiments, are, it must ‘he confessed, pretty general throughout this enlightened country; nor should I at all wonder if they were to become a. set of axioms in those illuminating seminaries, the Lancasterian Schools.

Vve have, however, not done yet,--.It is asserted, that the Corn Bill, if passed, would ‘" confirm the load of parochial burdens for the reldfq/‘t/ie distressedpoor." I have above stated, that I disapprove of

the Bill 3 but, supposing it to have a tendency to keep up the price of corn, how is it to tend to keep up the amount of parac/u'al burdens .3 The land keeps the poor;

' and, if what you said before was true, that the ,wheat growers will gain by the Bill, how is the Bill to add to their burdens .5,’— That the high price do not make paupcrs is clear from the incontrovertible fact, that wages keep pace in price with food; and that high price of corn tends to cause employment, which, under low prices, would not, and now does not, exist. \Vhat, then, is the foundation of this assertion, that the

‘ Bill would “ confirm the load of parochial

i

‘‘ burdens?” As it were for the express purpose of furnishing a suitable cap to this climax of absurdities, you charge the advocates of the Bill with an endeavour “ to “ bar the bountzhs of Providence from a “ majority of his lllajesty’s subjects.”— VVhy did you not, ‘at once, charge them with a design to fix). blanket between the sun and the earth? ,VVill the Bill, think you, prevent the crop from being abundant and the harvest fine ? .Wiil- it tend to impcde the showers? Good Lord! \Vhat .1 nonsense does the belly suggest‘ to‘ the tongue and the pen! Where, I pray you, is Providence to produce these hounties ? In England, I suppose: and will the Bill keep the wheat from the mouths of you .and Mr. RowcLIFFE ? If you mean, that it will keep foreign wheat from you‘: mouths, do you suppose, that, if you were a to live uponvt'oreign- wheat, that ‘wheat would still be- grown in England ?' pan you possibly imagine ; have-your bellies so far got the better of your brains, asrto causoyou to believe, that men willgrow wheat here if you live upon foreign wheat, that the cult'u'rdof wheat in England

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will not diminish in an exact proportion to the quantity of wheat imported ?Suppose, for instance, that candles were to be allowed to be imported. at 5d. a pound as good as Mr. RowcLu'FE’s (who, for id! lustration sake, I suppose to be a tallowchandler), which he sells at 1s. a pound, there being a tax of 6d. a pound, which he has to pay, do you think that RowCLIFFE would/make any more candles? Do you not think, that he would withdraw his capital from such a concern ? Though the worthy Mayor does not seem to understand ‘ much about political (economy, he has surely too much sense not to see that he must be ruined by continuing his trade. If Mr. RowcLIFrF. were to protest against such importation of candles, while the tar; remained to be imposed upon his candles, would you charge him with the malicious design of keeping you in the dark ? Why, then, do you charge the growers of wheat with the design of barring the bounties 0g Providence, because they are compelled to I pay taxes, which keep their wheat at at. higher price than tbreign wheat can be im-_ / ported at? I allow, that their fears are unfounded. I allow that importation would not have the efl'ect which they dread", but, if their fear-5‘ be groundless, they are justified by your hopes’ and c'é‘pcctalion-s. You assume, that the importation of wheat would cause the wheat in England to sell at a lower price, and then youblame the English wheat-growers for objecting to the importa, tion,until they be relieved from the tax and the currency which cause the necessity of a rise in the price ‘of their commodity.

This expression, “ fire brnmiz'cs of Pro“ viz/once,” is mere cant. Bread is no more a'git't of Providence than shoes or stockings, or coats, or hats, or knives, or crockery-ware, or soap, or candles; and yet you say not a word about the laws which forbid —whi,ch w/zol/y emclurk,the-impoi'tatiou of such 'lrticles? Why does not the farmer complain, that the ports are not open to bring him shoes and stockings, and “his wife gowns and linen cheaper, than those of home produce? “Yhy is a law of “ protec~| “ tion,”.as it is called, to be refused to those only who cultivate the earth ? l‘lr. “faithman, too, must get into‘a puzzle-wit about the landed in term; and the trading im’trrst“f He must talk, too, about intereeptingtthe

‘ ,hopnties of Providence; he must talk about

withholding fromthe people the blessings of a plcnteous lrar'vcst. What! docs he think that the advocates of the Bill mean t3

throw the corn into the rivers ? How else are they to with/told these blessings? Does he think, that they will not sell their wheat ?. What, then, does he mean? “lhat sense is there in the ground which he took? There is one more assertion in your Besolutions, which I must notice, before I proceed to shew you the real causes of the dearth of which you complain. You say that the landlords have augmented their rents since the commencement of the war, and that the owners of tQI/t/ws have, “ with -“ better reason,” raised the price of their tytbesv—w-As you do not condescend to

' give reasons for any thing you assert, it is

not surprising that you should have omitted to give any here. I believe it would have puzzled Mr. ROWCLIFFE to assign even the shadow of a ground for' this assertion. The clergy would, of course, raise their tythes in order to enable them to'pa'y their taxes, and to purchase food and raiment of increased price: and pray, 1\Ir. lVIayor, wiry were not the landowners to do the same? ‘Vhat better reason had the parson than the squire? You may be a very enlightened and enlightening man 5 but if all your candlcs,and all the candles in Southampton, were lighted at once, I do not believe that they would enable you to discover any ground for such an assertion as this. The phrase is parenthetical, and I cannot hclp thinking that it must have been put in at the suggestion of some reverend gentleman, who was amongst the framers of these celebrated Resolutions. The landlord receives money from the land in the name of rent,

'the par-son, in the name of lyt/w. Say,

then, Worshipful Sir, w/n/ the latter had "‘ better reason” than the former to add to the amount of his former receipt.

The real causes of high price have, my worthy neighbours, been sedulously hidden from you. The causes are the taxes, and the depreciation of our currency. You of the town of Southampton, have no right,

' taking you as a body, to complain of either.

You have all along been supporters of the war. You have all along supported a man who has been one of the greatest of sinecure

placemen. You have supported all themes.'sures relative to the Bank and the paper

money. You have‘ decidedly approved of

. the causes of that enormous expenditure

and debt,_which must perpetuate the taxes, and continue in circulation the paper~mo

- ney. Youhave been amongst the first to produce these high prices, of which you

fomplaiu, Not a few of you have shared, , t , .

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along, with Mr. Rose and his family, in the profits of the debt and taxation. It is not, therefore, very wonderful that you should. shun, with great care, any reference to the real causes of the high price, and seek to fix the blame upon land-owners, parsons, and farmers. ' At the Portsmouth petitioning bleetinr there was a Mr. GRANT, who is reporte to have repeated the old saying of “ dawn “ corn down born,” and who followed up this stroke of wit with gravely observing, that he hoped to see the time shortly, when meat as well as bread would be sold at the 01d prices. How far this witty gentleman, whose head was manifestly afi'ectcd by the prospect of a full meal 5 how far he meant to go back, it would be hard to say 5 but, perhaps, his hopes extended no farther back. than the peace preceding the war against the French Republic ;‘ the war for regular Government; and, as old George Rose called it, for “ the blessed comforts of reli“ gion !” But this Mr. GRANT seems to have wholly overlooked the taxes imposed since 1’792, up to which period, as we have seen before, the quartern loaf was sold at an average of ‘711. If Mr. GRANT had looked over his shoulder at the Dock Yard, and then turned towards Spithead, he would have seen a cause for the quantum loaf ’s rise, and for its continuance at its present ’ price, at least. If~ he had looked at the new buildings in and about Portsmouth; if he had thought of the millions of which Portsmouth had been the guiph, he would have hesitated before he railed against the growers of wheat, and the breeders and fatters of cattle. . During the peace from 1783 to 1792 inclusive, the quartern loaf vsold at an average of 7d. and 5-10ths of a farthing. Call it 7d. During this last war, it has sold at an average of about Md. The whole of the annual taves, raised during thelast peace, amounted to about fourteen millions. The whole of the annual taxes, raised during this war, has been, upon an average, about forty millions. ‘We have seen that the taxes, that all the taxes of every sort, paid by the landholder and "wheat-grower, must

fall finally upon the eaters of the loaf, they '

themselves being loaf-eaters as well as other people : and, need we go any further for a cause of the average rise in price of the loaf ?v Suppose that candles bad‘ (I do not know that they have not) been taxed during the war 2d. a pound, would they not

have risen a pound? And, would you

not look to film tar, as the cause of the rise in the price? And, if the wheat-grower has had ‘to pay, and _still has to pay, double, and more than double, the sum of (axes that he paid before 1792, will you not ascribe the rise in the price of [11's produce to the same cause? or, has the Profound belly discovered any rule of .reason and of right, which distin 'shcs, in this respect, the farmer and his produce from all other men and all other things? Mr. \VAITHMAN, who certainlyhad bestowed little reflection on this subject, got to floundering about this matter. The powerful cause, taxation, he could not wholly get out of his head,‘ and yet he talked about the bountics of Providence being ' intercepted. He observed (I Wish, with all my heart, he could have held his tongue 1) that “ a-great deal had been said about “protecting duties; but, when he saw, “that them was a duty. of 1'75; per out. “upon land from the Property Tax alone, “ were We to have no relief from THE “ FALLING IN of that and other bur“ dens?” Yes, Sir, but let ‘it fall in -_fir.rt,.' Take away the whcat—grower’s taxes before you ex ect his produce to return to the prices 0 1792. You begin at the wrong end, good citizens. ‘Vould you 'not begin by removing the tax fromTvIr. ROWCLIFFE’s candles, before you called upon him to reduce the price of his candles ? \Vould you not take 05' his tax, before you permitted an importation that would knock him up in his trade? The belly has no feeling for any thing but itself. It keeps crying stud me! stud me! without any regard to the means or the consequences. - Say anatomists what they will, Mr. \VMTHMAN, the belly has no bowels. I’ll show you, says CONGREVE, “ a soldier “ with his heart in his head and his brains “ “in his belly.” Have we not good reason to suppose, that this sort of organization is now become common throughout the country? The taxes alone are sufiicient, not only ‘to account forthe late average price of brand, but for its continuance. Reason, common sehse, forbids us to‘ expect, that ' peace, or any political . event whatever,

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"will, upon an average of crops, reduce the.

price. of wheat, until the taxes, _with which ‘that article is loaded, shall be taken oil'; and when they are taken oil‘, how 119 the ink-rest of the debt to be paid .5 So that,

:my worthy neighbours of Southampton,‘

when you see Mfr. ROSE again, pray move , “lnm tomahe a. bustle about taking the tax “ ‘ - 1 .. - l ' i V .

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from the loaf; and if he will be so good as to iget the tax removed, and to cause guineas to circulate in place of Bank notes, or will put the paper at its former value, then I will pledge myself to sell you bread at the prices- of the last peace. But, until then, you must expect to pay, upon an average, 14d.-for your (pm-tern loaf, whm ther the prayer of your Petition be heard or not.

Mr. GRANT, the “ down corn down “ horn” gentleman, talked of returning to old prices ', but did he not mean to include, in articles of price, the paper money .' A good golden guinea, such as was current at 21s. in 1792, will now sell for 2'7_s.'So-that the guinea has got_up as well as the com. A. guinea, in 1192, would exchange for no more than 21s. in paper; it will‘now ex.change for 27s. in paper; and paper is the thing which regulates our prices. ‘Vhen, therefore, the leaf is at a shilling, as it is called,~it is, in reality, at no more than 9d, of the money of 1792. This fact the people of Southampton have blinked. This fact has . been kept out of sight. Mr. RowCLIFFE talks about the enormous price of 86s. a quarter; but that is only about 579. 6d. of the money of 1792! And yet this is wholly overlooked, and the landowners are abused and‘ burnt in ciligy for wanting to secure this price. , They really deserve it, however, for at all interfering in a measure, the sole tendency of which is to prevent t/w tomes/idling of): and from leaving the int;rcst of the debt unpaid. ' I have before stated it, but I will again state it to you, that the proposed Billris A hIEASURE OF THE GOVERNMENT; that its object is to lEeep the taxes from falling oil ', and that if certain gentlemen, zealous for what they think the good of agriculture, have become its advocates, they have not rightly understood what the real interests of the wheat-grower are. I shall suppose, now, that the Bill does not pass, and (though 14am sure it cannot be) that wheat comes down to 55. a bushel, or 40s. a. quarter. The whole of the prices of the country must follow it. The labourer will get about 10d. aday; and this rate will run through all the trades in England. 'A horse, which now costs the farmer 4-Ol. will cost him from 12 to 151. consequently the taxes must come down in the same proportion, supposing none of t/zem‘ to be repealczl (which I do not believe they will be); for, if‘ the taxes continue the same nominally,_they must fall oil in amount. The proe

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duced level, But, whence is to come the 40 millions a‘yearfbr t/w pay/nan! oft/1e dividends at the Bank .2 I will tell you what, my good'neighbours, you ought to have resolved to do. You ought‘to have resolved to petition the Parliament to pass a law to compel the landowners to lower their rents, and the renters to lower the price of the corn, and all of them to continue to pay the. Same taxes, every year to’the same amount, that they now pay ', for, I do positively assure you, that, if they do not continue to

7 pay the same annual amount ‘in taxes, the

interest of the debt cannot be paid. There would have been something savouring of tyranny in this proposition 5 but, at any rate, it would not have: been downright ponsense.

No, my worthy neighbours, you have had your war ; you have had your frolic 3 you have had an expensive rout; and, you must be contented to pay the reckoning. You, who have been open-mouthed for war for so'ma'ny years, ought to be amongst the last people in the country toobject to continue to pay a tax upon your loaf, in order to discharge regularly the interest of the

' vmoney, borrowed for the purpose of carry

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ing on that war. Have you ever, upon,

any occasion, moved a tongue against the expensive measures of ,the last twenty-two

dismal years ? Have you ever endeavoured to check theenormous expenditure that has been going on 2‘ Have you ever set your faces against any act of profusion in the public concerns ? Have you ever uttered

a syllable disapproving of any of,those_mea- ~

sures which have produced the debt?‘ Never. But, on thé contrary, you were amongst the first to pledge your fives and

fortunes for the carrying on of the war.

You have always supported a placeman, and a sinecure placeman, too. You have been famous for the profits which many of you yourselves have derived from the war; and you have been amongst the most forward to bellow forth invcctives against those who were anxious to prevent the. enormous expenditure‘which produced the taxes and the debt. You ought, therefore, to have been the last to expect, or to hope, to be relieved from the natural and inevitable effects of taxation. ,

I dis-approve of the Corn Bill, not because it is unjust, but because, in the end, it will do no good to the grower of corn and the landowner, while it will expose them to unfounded calunmy. I dislike it more particularly (and, indeed, thatis all that-I really care about relating to it), because it will in case of future high prices of corn, which will assuredly come, give't/w public mind 'a wrong direction, and induce the deluded people to rail at, miller-s, and farmers, and bakers, instead of looking to the real causes of what they complain of, and seeking a remedy in the removal of those causes by legal and constitutional means. This is my ground of dislike to the Bill, against which, upon that ground, I would gladly join in a Petition; but I cannot put my‘name to a mass of heterogeneous matter, the otl'spring of ignorance and the source of delusion- .

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_ doomed to suite r all the conturncl y con sequent, only on guilt. and to undergo persecu- '

tion, instead of that protection under which she would have found safety, had his Mia

jesty’s illness not suspended the exercise of

the royal funcfions in his own person.-“hoe-vex‘ has been the direct adviser of

the disgraceful treatment which the Princess of lVVales is now sull‘ci'ing, will probably never be ascertained; for, after what has already passed in Parliament relative to this subject, it would be idle to expect an interference in that quarter any way favourable to her Royal Highness’s claims. This is a topic, however, which cannot be passed over slightly, and to which I' mean to return in a future REGISTER. \Vith that intention I have given below the Correspondence which has passed between the parties ; and I cannot omit noticing here a circumstance which, whatever may he thought of the Princess of Wales’s conduct in. another quarter, clearly demonstrates that the public not only hold her perfectly innocent,‘but deeply sympathise with her Royal Hi'rhness under her present unmeritcd wrongs—1t appears, that on the evening of the day when the Prin-. cess Charlotte was presented for the first time at Court, her Royal hlother, who had been excluded from this interesting scene, endeavoured to banish all recollection of what was going on at the Drawing-room, by the amusements of the Theatre. Here she was welcomed in a manner which, it is hoped, compensated her in some degree for the deprivation of that parental pleasure which had been so pcremptorily denied her

at Buckingham House, as appears from the ‘

following account which I have taken from the jllorm'ng Chronicle of yesterday. ‘ “ THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN.-—“ Last night her Royal Highness the Prin“ cess of \Vales was present at the represen“ tation of Artawera‘es. She sat in a pri“ vate box, and was not recognized till the “ beginning of the Farcep, T be moment “ t/zat sire was known, the company rose, “ and she was greeted with a burst qfen“ t/I-usz'astic applause. The spectators called “ for God save tile King. Mr. Hamerton “ came forward and said, the vocal per“ formers had unfortunately left the house ; “'but the audience persisted. They would “ have ‘ God save the King—the venera“ ble King—(lic Protector rf injured in“ n'iocence—l‘s w/zo desired the Princess to “ come to Court—rile who made 1710 Queen “ receive [101‘ at Court—‘V0 will have God “ savethc King.’ Mr. Hamerton soon after “ came forward again, and calmed the tu“ mult by announcing that the performers “ were sent for. Accordingly ‘ God save “ the King’ was sung amidst repeated “ bursts of acclamationsl? '

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LETTER OF THE IiklNCEfis OF \VALES TO _

THE PRINCE REGENT.

SIR—I am once more rcluctnntly com_. 'pellecl to address your Royal I‘llghllL'SS,

and to enclose for your inspection, copies of a note which 1 have had the honour to receive from the Queen, imd of the an. swer which I have thought it my duty to return to her Majesty. It ,would be in vain for me to inquire into the reasons ofthe alarming declaration made‘ by your Royal Highness, that you‘ have taken the ti xed and unulterable determination never to meet me, upon guy occasion, in either public or private. Highness is pleased tostatc yourself to be the onlyjudge. You'will perceive by my answer to her Majesty, that l have only been restrained by motives of personal consideration towards her Majesty, fronr exercising my right of appeui-in 9 before her Majesty, at the public. f) Rooms, to be held in the ensuing month, But, Sir, lest. it should‘be by possibility supposed, that the words of your Royal Highness can convey any insinuationfrom which Ishrink, I am bound to demand of your Royal Highness—what circum! stances can justify the proceeding you have thus thought fit to adopt ?-—I owe it to myself, to my Daughter, and to the

nation, to which I am deeply indebtedfor theivindication of my honour, to remind‘

your Royal Highness of what you know ;. that after open persecution and mysterious inquiries, upon undefined charges, the malice of my enemies fell entirely upon themselves; and that I was restored by the King, with the advice of hisMi-c nisters, to the full enjoyment of my rank in his Court,‘ upon my complete aequit-, tal. Since his Mojest ’s lamented illness, I have demanded, in the face of 'arliament and the country, to be proved guilty, or to be treated as innocent. I have been declared innocent-WI will not; submit to be treated as goilty.,-.-Sir, your Royal Highness may possibly refuse to read thisletter. But the world must know that I have written it; and they will see my real motives for foregoing, in this in‘; stance, the rights of my rank. Occasionsl however, may arise (one, I trust, is far distant) ‘when Imust appear in public,and your Royal Highness must be present also. Can your Royal Highness have contemplated the full extent of your de-. claration? Has your Royal Highness forgotten the approaching marriage of our daughter, and the possibility of our com:

Of these your Royal

riiwing'

\

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