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before acknowledged, ascribing it nominally to the nation, in order to appropriate it to themselves, and then, upon such usurpation, to dictate to the nation such laws as they pleased, imposing upon it the yoke by which it should receive them compulsorily, in a new Constitution, which the deputies established Without authority of the provinces,. people, or juntas, and without the knowledge of those provinces which were said to be represented by substitutes from Spain and the Indies. This Constitution they sanctioned and published in 1812. This first attack. upon the prerogatives of the throne, abusing the name of the nation, became, as it were, the basis of many other attacks which followed it; and in spite of the repugnance ofmany deputies,perhnps of the majority, they were adopted and raised to the rank of laws, which they called fundamental, by means of the shouts, threats, and violence of those who attended in the galleries of the Cortes, with which they alarmed and terrified -, and that which was in truth the work of a faction, was clothed with the specious mask of the general will, and for such will that of a few seditious persons, who in Cadiz, and afterwards in Madrid, occasioned aflliction to all
cod citizens, made their own to pass.
hese facts are so notorious, that there is scarcely any one who is ignorant of vthem ; and the very Diaries of the Cortes furnish ample proof of them. Amode of making laws so foreign to the Spanish
.nation, gave occasion to an alteration of
the good laws under which, in ‘other times, it was respected and happy. In truth, almost all the forms of the ancient constitution of the Monarchy were innovated upon; and copying the revolutionary and democratic principles of - the French constitu
‘tion of 1791, they sanctioned, not the fun
;damental laws of a moderate Monarchy, but those of a popular Government, .with a chief, or magistrate, their mere. delegated
.executor, and not a King, although they
gave him that name, to deceive and seduce the unwary and the nation. Under the same want of liberty this same Constitution was signed and sworn to; and it is ‘known to all, not only what passed with vregard to the respectable Bishop of Orensc, ‘but also the punishment with which those were threatened who refused to sign and‘ ‘swear to it.—To prepare the‘ public mind
- to receive such novelties, especially those
‘regarding my royal person and the prerogatives of the Crown; the public newspw'
pers were resorted to as a means, some of which the Deputies of the Cortes conducted, and abused the liberty of the press established by them, to render the Royal power odious, giving to all the rights of l\‘[ajesty the name of despotism—making King and Despot synonimous terms,—-and calling Kings Tyrants, while at the same time they‘cruelly persecuted every one who had the firmness to contradict them, or to dissent from this revolutionary and seditious mode of thinking; and in every thing democracy was affected, the army and navy, and all other establishments which, from time immemorial, had been called Royal, being stripped of that name, and National substituted, with which they flattered the people; who, however, in spite of these‘ perverse arts, retained, by their natural loyalty, the good feelings which always formed their character. Of'all this, since
I have happily entered the kingdom, I have ‘
been acquiring faithful information and knowledge, partly from my own observations, and partly from the public papers, in which, up to this very day, representations of my arrival and my character are im pudently circulated, so gross and infamous in themselves, that even with re— gard to any other individual they would constitute very heavy offences, worthy of severe notice and punishment. Circumstances so unexpected have filled my heart with bitterness, which could only be alleviated by the demonstrations of affection from all those who hoped for my arrival, in order that by my presence an end might be put to these calamities, and to the oppression in which those were, who retained in their minds the remembrance of my
‘time that I sympathise with the evils which you have suffered, you shall not be disappoint
ed of your noble expectations. Your Sovereign wishes to be so on your account, and in’ this he places his glory, that he is the Sovereign of an heroic nation, whoby their immortal deeds have gained the admiration of ‘the world, and preserved their liberty and honour. I abhor and detest despotism ; neither the intelligence and cultivation of the nations of Europe could now endure it : nor in Spain were its kings ever despots. Neither its good laws, nor ‘constitution, authorised despotism ; although unfortunately, from time to time, as happens every where else, and in- every‘ thing human,
there may have been abuses of power which
-no possible Constitutiorrcitn wholly guard.
against; nor were they the faults of the Constitution which the nation had, but of individuals, and the ell'ects of unpleasant but very rarecircumstances, which gave occasion to them. However, in order 'to avert them, as‘ ell‘ectually as human foresight will allow, namely, by preserving the honour of the royal dignity, and its rights, since those appertaining to it and to the people are equally inviolable, I ‘will treat with the procurators of Spain and of the Indies: and order being restored, together with the good usages under which the nation has lived, and which the liiings my predecessors established with its consent, every thing that relates to the good of my kingdoms shall be solidly and legitimately enacted, in Cortes legitimately assembled, as soon as it may be possible to do so, in order that my subjects may live prosperous and happy, in one religion, and under one government, strictly united by indissoluble ties. In this, and in this alone, consist the temporal felicity of aKing and a kingdom, which enjoy the title of Catholic, by way of eminence; and immediately preparations shall be made for what may appear best towards the assembling of such a Cortes; in which, I trust, the bases of the prosperity of my subjects, in both hemispheres, may be confirmed. The liberty and securi— ty of persons and property shall be firmly Secured by means-‘of laws, which, guaranteeing public liberty and order, shall leave to all that salutary liberty, whose undisturbed enjoyment distinguishes a moderate from an arbitrary and despotic Govern— ment, and in which the citizens subject to the former ought to live. This just liberty all likewise shall enjoy, in order to communicate through the press their ideas and thoughts, within those limits, however, which sound reason imperiously prescribes to all, that it may notdegenerate into licentiousness', for the respect which‘is due to religion and the government, and that which men mutually owe towards each other, can under no civilized government be reasonably permitted to be violated and trampled upon with impunity..—All suspicion, likewise, of any dissipation of the revenues of the State shall cease; those which are assigned for the expences required by the hohour of my royal person and family, and ‘that of the nation whom I have the glory to govern, being separated from the revemies ~which,»by ‘the consent of the kingdom,
may be imposed and assigned for the maintenance of the State in all branches of the administration. The laws, which shall in future serve as a rule of action to my sub~ jccts, shall also be enacted in concert with the Cortes, inasmuch as these bases may serve as an authentic declaration of my royal intentions in the Government with which 1 am about to be vested, and will represent to all neither a despot nor a tyrant, but a King, and a father of his subjects ; having in like manner heard from the unanimous declarations of persons respectable for their zeal and knowledge, and from representations made to me from various parts of the kingdom, in which are expressed the repugnance and disgust with which both the Constitution formed by the General and Extraordinary ‘Qortes, as well as the other political establishments recently introduced, are regarded in the provinces ; considering also the mischiefs which have sprung therefrom, and would increase, should I assent to and swear to the said Constitution; actin in conformity to such general and decide demonstrations of the wishes of my people, and also because they are just and well founded; I declare, that my royal intention is, not only not to swear nor accede to the said Constitution, nor to any Decree of the General and Extraordinary Cortes, and of the Ordinary at present sitting, those, to-wit, which derogute from the rights and prerogatives of my sovereignty, established by the constitution and the laws under which the nation'has lived in times past, but to pronounce that Constitution and such Decrees null and of
restored, together with the system observ— ed in the kingdom prior to the introduction of these novelties, for the attainment of which suitable measures snall be taken without delay, the administration ofjusticc may not be interrupted, it is my will, that in the mean time, thcordinary magistracics of towns shall be continued as now esta
. blished, the Courts of ‘Law where there are
such, and the Audienciss, Intendents, and other judicial tribunals ; and in the political and administrative branches, the common councils of towns according to their present constitution, until the Cortes, who shall be summoned, being heard, the stable order ot'this part ot'the' Government of the kingdnn be assented to. And from the div on 'which this my Decree Shall be published and communicated to the President for the time hginq of the Cortes at present met, the said Cortes shall cease their sittings; and their acts with those ot'the preceding Cortes, together with whatever documents or ‘dispatches shall be in their offree of archives and secretaryship, or in the possession ol‘anv other'individual whateve r, shall be collected by the person charged with the execution ol'this my Royal Deci'ce ', and shall be deposited For the present in the Guildhall of the city of i\[adrid, the room in which they are placed beinglocked and scaled up : the books of their library shall be conveyed to the royal library: and whosoever shall endeavour to obstruct the execution of this part of my Royal Decree, in anv way whatever, I also declare him quilty of High Treason, and that as such the punishment of death shall he inflicted upon him. And from this day shall cease in every tribunal of the kingdom all proceedings in any cause, now pending ‘for any infraction of the Constitution, and and those who, for such causes, have been imprisoned or arrested, shall be immediate1y at liberty. Such then is my Wlll, because the well‘ire and happiness of the nation require it.-—Given at Valencia, the 4th of May, 18143-4, THE KING.—-Pedro de Macanez, Secretary of Decrees-— As Cantain General oi’ New Castile, Political and Military Governor of the whole Province, and by order of his Majesty Don Ferdinand VII. whom God preserve, I muse it to be p_uhlished.-—-FRANCISCO Ruins Dr. Ecom Y LEToNm—ilfddm‘d, Mat/11, 18144.
_ NAPLES.—~From the following Document, it appears‘ that Murat is likely to have some trouble with Ferdinand the IV.
respecting the occupation of the throne of Naples: -Déclaratian.—~“ Ferdinand. IV. by the Grace of God, Kiug'oi' the Two Sicilies, and of Jerusalem, Infant of Spain, 8L0. Profoundly indignant at the poi-fidious report spread by our enemies, that we have renounced, or that we are disposed to renounce, our rights to the Kingdom of Naples, we think it our duty to make known the falsehood of such reports to the powers, our Allies, to all nations, and particularly to our subjects, and very dear children of the kingdom of Naples, by declaring solemnly that we never have renounced, and that ’ we are unalterahly resolved never to renounce, our legitimate and incoutcstible rights to the kingdom of Naples, and that our fixed and unchangeable will is’ to accept of no oil'er of indemnity, nor any compensation whatsoever for the said kingdom, which we are determined to preserve for ourself, to transmit to our immediate successor, in the same manner as it has been transmitted to us by our Father of highly glorious memory. All the measures which we have hitherto taken, and which we are now executing in the employment of our troops, and their union with the forces of our august and ancient Allies, have had, and have no other object but to co-operate with them, with a view to the triumph of the just and general cause, and of concurring in their magnanimous views, so often manifested for the overthrow ot'al-l usurpations, and for the rc-estahlishmc'nt of justice and legitimate authority. FERDINAND.” “ Palermo, April 24',‘ 1814.”
PEAciL—The Courier, of last night, states on this subject, that “ Accounts rom Lord Castlereagh, dated on Tuesday last," have been received, which, it is reported, announce that the Peace was to be ‘signed oii ‘Wednesday last—that the Emperor of Russia and Kinp,r of Prussia meant toset out For this country positively on Monday next. They ma y be expected on Wednesday or Thursday. They are to land at Dover, and a Telegraphic Message to that eli‘ect is understood to have heenisent ‘oil this morning? to his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence. The Emperor of Germany proceeds almost immediately to Italy upon very important business.”
ruined and Published by J. MORTON, No. 94, Strand
vot'. XXV. No. 23.] ' LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 4, ‘1814. [Price n.
705] _ r
MY VVORTHY BUT DELUDED NEIGH— flours-Having read your RESOLUTIONS, on the subject of the Corn Bill, signed by hIr. JOHN ROWCLIFFE, the Nlayor ofyour town, upon which Resolutions, it appears, you are now about to frame a Petition against the said Bill; and being convinced,
‘that the views of the matter, taken in - those Resolutions, are extremely erroneous,
I think it right to endeavour to shew you that you are in error.
Before I proceed to this, however, I must premise, that I myself disapprove, not only of the proposed Corn Bill, but of 'any and every Bill, or law, that has been, or can be, passed upon the subject. I look upon such laws as wholly useless, and as always attended with a greater or less degree ‘of injury to the country. I am of opinion, that the trade in corn should always be pcrfictlyfi'ee, let its price be what it may‘, and that the trade in all other products should be the same. I, therefore, would have chearfnlly signed your Petition, had it simply prayed for the not pjassing of the proposed law. But, if your . etition had been handed to me, I would
v not have signed it; because it seems to me
to'be founded on, and to give sanction to, wrong notions relative to the ‘causes of high price and public distress; because it seems to me to be calculated (and was, perhaps, by its chief promoters intended) to keep the people of this country in a state of blindness, as to the causes of their miseries, ‘m which state of blindness they have lived for more than twenty years past. Your Resolutions contain many propositions un— supported by reason or fact; but my great objection to them is, that they are calculated to withdraw the minds of the people from the TRUE CAUSES of the distresses and miseries, of which they speak, and to direct them towards false objects 5 and, ,by that means, to put oft" the period of the ap-'
plication of an efl'ectual remedy.
clear and satisfactory manner, I will, as I proceed,‘ quote the several Resolutions, which you have caused to be published, under the signature of your lVIayor, who, however, I am very far from regarding as the real mover of the question in your town, there being, manifestly, a stronger hand behind the curtain, pushing the matter forward.‘ .
“ RESOLUTION 1st.-That for several “ years past the price of wheat and other “ grain has been excessively high through“ out this kingdom, and that the some
“ quent distress has been considerably felt _ '
“ by all classes of society; while the poorest “ classes have occasionally been sorely and
“ severely tried with all the evils insepa;
“ rable from dearth and indigence. *
“ RESOLUTION 2d.-'I_‘hat ‘this ,Mecting “ had earnestly hoped, in behalf of them,’ “ selves and their poorer fellow-subjects, “ who have in general borne the calamities “ of the times with most laudable and “ exemplary patience, that the return “ Peace would have alleviated the distress “ that has been so long experienced, and “ would have ‘carried comfort and plenty “ into every part of his lllqjesty’s domi“ nions. .
“ RESOLUTION 3d.—That this Meeting “ are struck with great apprehension as to “ the ell‘eets which they conceive will ine“ vitably follow from the enactment of a “ Bill which is now depending in the House “ of Commons, on the subject of the ‘Corn ‘-‘ Laws; which must at once sweep away “ all hope of a reduction in the price of the “ most necessary article of human subsist“ ence: fearful lest the (lisappozntmmt pf “ expectations long c/gerz's/wd, during a. “ most protracted and anxious contest with “ foreign powers, should excite at home, “ among the suffering classes of the com“ munity, a spirit ofdis'contcnt and (lis'sm “ tzifilctz'on, at a moment when it is most
“ fervently to he wished that this kingdom _
“ should find rest fret; that tedious course
“ of suspense and calamity, in which fi“ reign ambition and t‘r/rmmy have so long “ involved it.”
.I wonder why you should liaveintrodueed this latter sentiment, seeing‘ that it could do no good, and seeing,that the point might be disputed withyon. I,f0r instance, deny, that it was “firw'g'n ambition and “tyranny” that involved us in the war. But, I will, as far as it is possible, keep all extraneous matter out of the discussion.
' You assert here, at the outset, that the fil‘i'I/l price of corn has- been the cause qfzh'stlfess ,' that you hoped, that the return of peace Would have alleviated that distress‘, that peace would have carried com art and plenty mto every part of the king’s dominions; and you fear, that, if the suffering classes should he div-appointed in that hope, a spirit
7 of discontent and dissatisfaction will arise ‘throughout the country. From this it‘ is ‘manifest, you mean, THAT CORN IS USUALLY AT A LOWER PRICE IN PEACE THAN IT IS IN WAR. This is an error. It is, indeed, an error, into which others have fallen as well as you. The people at Portsmouth have promulgated the same sentiment. hdr. ‘Vaithman, in his speech to the Livery of London, ‘is reported to have talked about “ the social j‘ connection between peace and plenty.”
The error is, therefore, not confined to you; _ But, it is still \ an error’; and certainly not less subject to exposure, or more entitled to respect, because it is a vulgar error. The “ social connection,”
, of which Mr‘. ‘Vaithman and you talk‘, has
‘no- existence in fact, and never can have
such anexisteneemntil there is a connection Thetween peace auclfi-ur'g/h! sea-sons; “'hat ‘does plenty mean ? Why 5 abundance proportioned to our giants : And, what can possibly make one time more ‘abundant than "another, except the dill‘erencc in the seasons t
“'ill any one say, that the blights on‘the ‘mildews pay any respect to peace or war.’ ~ ‘Was it peace which gave us the feeding
showers, the hot suns, thefine harvest of"
last year ? Or, is, var, which has given‘ ' us the cold and dry winds of this last month of May, and the white frosts which we have had, until within these four days 9" Does [V‘ACE gi'lic us greater quantities of apples ' and peaches than war does? “Thy, then, should it give us greater quantities ofeorn ?. Upon the very‘face of the thing, these
‘ pgiposit'iops gontain absurdities ‘zoo gross to ' _ tgl,./1._But the error exists, and it #0,} ’ dicat‘elit, first reminding
you, that the idea of an inseparable’ eon»neetion between poets and plcm'y-is ‘directly in the teeth of all those assertions, which the advocates of ‘war have been maintaiw ing for the last twenty years. They have always cpntc‘ndedflhat the war was not tl'w cause of (his-tress ,' that"v the people were
'better fi‘rl and better clad than they were
ever before; ‘that the nation was at’ the height of pros-peril] ;} and‘ that veteran placeman, old .Mr. GEORGE ROSE, whom you so highly compliment, has taken infinite pains to prove, that the population Ices been} inc/‘casing,dnring all this bloody war; a proof, accordingrto him, of the increasing happiness of the people. But, now, all at once, he seems to have discovered, that war was a. cause of distress and misery ! So it has been, indeed, but not in the way that he would now have us believe.
There aretwo modes of meeting and controverting any proposition: by reference to m'pcricnce ; or by the arguments which the case otl'ers. The former is an appeal to fizcts; the latter to reason» I shall appeal to both, and with full confidence, that the “ social connection between “ peace and plenty,” will be proved to be the fruit of vulgar error—an error having no better foundation, perhaps, than the alliteration which two very pretty words offered to the author of some ancient popular ballad. 0 ‘_
‘Vhen these words were rung in our cars at, and soon after, the peace of Alniens, I took some pains to ascertain what carperieflce said upon the'point. l‘Il‘.JhDDING~ TON, who is, now Lord Sidmouth, came into ofliee, and made eace, inthc year 1801. " Bread, which ad, owing to two bad crops and one bad harvest, in 1799 and 1800, become very dear in 1800, ‘and in the first nine months of 1801, became circa]; the moment peace was made. That was quite enough M'r. Addington had given us “PEACE and PLENTY. There needed nothing more. Bread had been dear in the two last years of the war; and, the moment peace was made, it be‘came cheap.‘ These two facts were put together, and the point was‘; settled for ever. ,he vulgar notion was planted for the present generation. 'Itfwas not considered w/mtmoment that was when peace was vmade. It was made in the end of September; that is to say, at the end of izm'ocsngand thatrtoo, a very fine and most abundant harvest. This was wholly overlooked. This was too trifling a cire