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WEsTi-ims'rnu .ADDRESS.-—-'1lic independent inhabitants of this great city, are the only persons who have followed the example of the citizens of London, in voting an Address to the Prince Regent on the late termination of hostilities against France. I have subjoined a copy of this Address, upon which some useful remarks may probably occur after it has been

resented, and an Answer given by the

Regent. ll’leanwhilc it may be Stated,

that the Address, which was read by J.

Lochee, isq. moved by lilajor Cartwright,

and seconded by Peter ‘Valker, Esq. was

unanimously approved of by avcrylargc and respectable hdeeting of the Electors of

Testminster. Several spirited Resolu

tions were also adopted without a dissent

ing voice, except as to one about

America, to which an amendment was

proposed by a person who said some

thing I about the great wisdom which hlinisters had displayed in their conduct of the war, and talked loud about Pam's/1,ing the American sacagcs. I could not learn. the individual’s name who proposed this amendment—but it was whispered that he was a Contractor; and his “ full

“ fledged plumage” showed that, at least,

he had not been a laser by the warlike

mania. It was justly remarked by Sir

Francis Burdett, that the proposed amend

ment had met its deserved fate, in being

consigned to oblivion by the unanimous

voice of the assembly. ,


Tm: burn-"cc Avnzznss or run IfovsmronnEm or THE CITY .uvo Lmnm‘ws or I'Vcsxmmsrrn. , ‘

MAY 1r PLEASE Yotm ROYAL Hmntucss. On a. termination of the conflict with France, in which our country has so long been engaged-Ina términation'as fortunate as it has been singular. we beg your Royal H'ghness to‘accept of our sincere congratulations—In a war so sanguinary, it has been a spectacle as novel, as auspicious to humanity, to behold a coalition of Sovereigns, at the head ot'imincnse armies, on victoriously entering the capital oftheir enemy, invitingthe People to choose the Constitution of Government under which they desired-to live, expressing a wish that that People might

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ot civil govt-minerit-~-mzi=iter science Mot;

Princes and btutesiucn. The Monarchs who have as virtuously as wisely guaranteed Peace, Greatness, and Liberty to France, as well as their Ministers and Warriors, must carry home with them from Paris the seeds of amelioration, the scientific principles of amendment, by which the condition of their own subjects will be greatly bettered: and by which, without convulsion, their States maybe rapidly made to eujo

that perfection ot'polity, that freedom an

prosperity, which is equally the ornament and felicity of Princes and of People. " In the political transactions of both hemispheres, those intelligent Monarchs must have seen a full connrmntion of this importunt, truth, that “ Representation was the " happiest disl-orcrfr/ qfpolitiral wisdom." To this point,~ they must huve‘observed, that 'nll rational energies‘ in pursuit'ot’ public freedom and happiness uniformly tend.—

Wherefore, Sir, we cannot doubt, that in all civilized countries Representation will in time attain perfection. When, Sir, your Royal Highness shall reflect, that after a war of more than twenty years continuance, originally undari il'..:a {or crushing the inl'lnt liberties of France, the existence of those very liberties is tile only hop‘. ol'lrnnq Lilly to Europe, and has therefore been undo the basis of Peace, we must, with additional earnestness, recur to the impression we endeavoured three years ago to make on the mind of you." Royal Highness—air endeavour in which. we trust, on succeeded—in favour of such a radical Reform in the Commons House of Parliament of our own country, as shall afford us the full benefit of Representation. In our former Address to your lioyal Hivrhnsss, we spoke of that Borough Faction which alike tramples on the Rights of the Crown and People. Were, Sir, that Faction to continue its daring iurozid on the independence of the '1‘hroue,--u'erc it to continue its deadly stairs to the Liberties ol' the People—were it to continue its dcpredations on the property of the nation—were, in short, our Freedom to ‘be no more, of what value Peace, or ought else on earth 1— ln proportion, Sir, as a constitutional Cornmons House must beun object of unbounded venerution, your Royal Highness \‘-ill be sensible that the existence of a Faction, which should greatly impair its excellence, must to every loyal mind he exquisitely painful. The yoke of a‘ Faction—a domestic Faction—that hiid'felouiously broken into the citadel of the Constitution and stolen our Palladium, were even worse than foreign war itself. it were the tyranny of a few, who had no other claim to rule over their fellow subjects tlnn that of havinw robbed them. it were to how the head and bend the knee to an and minus corruption. It were the very lowest depth of dishohour. on the part, Sir, of an English Sovkreign, on the part of an English People, to such a Faction there could be no submission. A truly patriot Representative


' stands, however, pledged to his constituents ‘and his country, to bring bclore I-‘arlui,ment, at the first convenient opportunity,

their great question. It is, Sir, impossible that Parliament should then be at war with England. it is impossible that it should not then imitate those Sovereigns who, even while at war with France, eagerly sought the opportunity of ofi'ering to her their guarantee of all she claimed as her Rights and Liberties. After contemplating,

'I found to ali'ordv


with the highest admiration, the virtue and wisdom so conspicuous‘in the arrangements

made on the first day of April at Paris, we '

are unable, Sir, to express the deep concern and the shame we feel, touchinfl' the hos— tde measure which your Royal Highness has been adiiserl to sanction in respect of ‘Norway. ll~ it bejust that any one Nation slinil provide for its own welrurc and hoppines; by the exercise of its own reason, and the freedom of its own will, it must he just that every Notion shill freely do the some. 1". Aland, Sir, can have no right to force on Norway :1 sovereignty to which she is adverse. For such a purpose, to draw the sword were manifestly wicked; but to attempt to subdue independence, Innocence and Pntriotism, by the insirunientality of fa.minc, were shockingly inhuman. We lininbly, Fir. and niost anxiously iutreat your lioyal Highness, to save your country from this reproach : to avert from her this-dishonour. And, (fir, among the‘ many happy results of the pncification of Europe, we contemplate, with inexpressiblc satisfaction, the annihilation oi" the disputed points respecting the maritime rights of neutral nations, which have constituted the ground of the over-lamentable hostility in which we are engaged with the United States of America. lleuce, Sir, we confidently trust, that on both sides of the Atlantic the miseries and immoralities of war will shortl be at an end, and the whole civilized world repose under the peaceful olive; studying and practising~ only the social and moral duties, arts and accomplishments. for their general improvement and happiness.

03" The Friends of the Freedom of


Election will be gratified to find that the‘ ,Scvent/z Anniversary of the Election of

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, to represent the City of ‘Vestminster in Parliament, is to be celebrated at the Crown andAnchor Tavern, Strand, on Monday next, by a public dinner. T he chair will be filled by Sir FRANCISr—Jrlle following, ‘among other respectable Gentlemen, intend to be present :—-.1‘l. B. Clive, Esqu, Sir John Throgmorton; Robert Knight, Esq.; J. Josling, Esq.; Thomas Northmere, Esqx, ‘V. J. Burdett, Esq.; R. M. Biddulph, Esq.; Mr. Alderman “food ; Henry‘ Brougham, Esq.; Hon. Thomas Brand; B. H. A. Bcnnct, Esq.; Thomas Creevey, Esq. Francis Canning, Earp; --— Gwynn, Esrp; Mr. Waithman. - .


Printed and Published by J. MORTON, N0. Sid/‘Strand.


VOL. XXV. No. 22.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 28, 1814. [Price 1s.

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In the first Number of these Papers, addressed to your Majesty, I assured you, that, if you discovered an inclination to act fairly towards your people, you would soon become an object of censure, if not 'of abuse, with those persons in England, who had been amongst the loudest in expressing their joy at your being called to the throne of France; and that your hrlajesty would, in that case, experience the curious change of having for defenders those who were not for your recall, fearing that it might prove injurious to the cause of freedom, not only in France, but throughout all Europe. By this time thos'e who have read these papers (amongst whom I am not vain enough to hope that your Majesty is one) will begin to perceive, that my opinion was but toolwell founded; for, from the moment that it was seen, in this country, that your ltlajesty discovered no intcution to gratify the wishes of the enemies of France; that you did not intend to plunge your country into a civil war by reviving the animosities of past times; that you did not intend to degrade your country, to make her the prey of her neighbours and the scorn of the world; from that very moment the‘men, who, in this country, had been the 'forwardest in


urging your recall, began to change their The point, aimed :


tone respecting you. ' . _ at, and, I think, clearly established, in my

vlast Number, was this, that the same per

sons who recommended to your luajesty to break your promise,‘ to re-establish the ‘ancient regime, and, in short, to oppress your people; and who, at the same time, recommended to you most earnestly to slight and degrade the soldiers of the Revolution ; that these same persons recommended to

- the Allies to strip your Galleries and lun

seums, to keep their armies in France, and to retain their prisoners contrary to agree\ment, to narrow your dominions, to sulfer you to have no Colonies; and that, too, upon


the ground, that France, though she had changed her Ruhr, was still the same, and was radically and systematically the enemy of England ,' and therefore, that it was the duty of every Briton to harbour a constant jealousy of her, and to endeavour, by all the means in his power, to keep France in a state of weakness. , Since the writing of that paper, these same persons, increasing daily in their hostility towards you and your family, as well as your people, have


proclaimed, that we Englishmen ought to,

bear in mind “ that the disgraceful inter“firerlce of France in our quarrel with ‘f America, took place under a BOURQ “ BON ;” and, inferring from that fact, that we ought to be as jealous of you, as we were of Napoleon. It is impossible for

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of paving the way for a series of hostile

conduct towards you—But the cause of this hostility, so wholly unprovoked, ought to be exposed to the world. It is no other than this: that your hlajesty has disappointed these people in not making lists of prescription; in not establishing a despoa tism; in not doing that, in short, ‘which would have totally mined either your people of yourself; in not doing, in other. words, that which would have made France the most feeble and despicable nation upon earth. If these men had found you a ready tool in their hands to raise the bloody flag of political revenge 5 if they had found you, upon your return, erecting scaffolds whcreon to murder those who had survived the war and the intestine troubles of France; if they had seen you drive from your presence every man who has ‘acquired glory in the armies of France; if they had

seen you ready to agree to every proposi-'

tion, tending to the degradation of your country‘, if, in short, they had seen in you a manifest disposition to be at once a tyrant and a traitor, you would have been, to this hour,as much an object of their praise as you were when you disembarked at Dover for


Calais. Your blajesty will hardly belie<e, that the prints, which I am compelled to point out by name, speak merely the sentiments of the owners or editors of those publications- You must be well aware, that, if these persons, obscure and contcmptible as they are of themselves, did not know that their publications would be palateable to others, they would not send‘ them forth. You, indeed, must be well aware, that these owners and editors are little more than . miserable tools in the hands of men of superior abilities and more weighty interests ', and, therefore, what they publish becomes entitled to more attention than if they were to be considered as the mere offspring of the brain of these insignificant individuals.— Every article of news from France, relating to your measures, becomes an object of criticism, with the persons to whom I allude, who fail not to communicate regularlytheirobservations to the public. Amongst the last of these there are some very well worthy of yourself and your people; for, in them, you will not fail to see a new proof of the fact, which ought constantly to be kept in view; namely, that those who are the enemies of a free and just government in France, are also the enemies of a due share of power being possessed by France; and, moreover, are your enemies, unless you will consent to be afoul traitor to your country.— It was not Napoleon that these persons hated so much as it was France! and this fact, which I formcrlyendeavoured to prove, they now, of their own accord, prove to a demonstration. They wish to see France despoiled of all power, of all greatness, and of all the means of becoming great. An observation of theirs, relative to the military force of France, to be kept up in time of peace, has made this a fact not to admit of dispute.-The publication, to which I here more particularly allude, was in the T {mas newspaper, of the 21st of diary,’ in the following words: “ It 5‘ is stated, but we imagine with no oili“ ciai grounds of accuracy, thatthe Peace “ Establishment of the French army is to “ be 220,000 men, exceeding by 68,000 “ the-number of the army in 1792. Now “if the French Government had adopted “ any such unwise and extravagant resolu“ tion, we should think it the duty of all " the other Sovereigns of Europe to ‘say at '“ once, and without the least ceremony,


1 “ THE THING SHALL 'NOT BE, ~§"\Vé have all (British, Germans, Rus- l to annihilate the power of France. It is


“ sians, Spaniards, or whatever we are)suf-
“ fered too much from the enormous mili-
“ tary force of France, to vpermit it to-be
“ accumulated again into so formidable a
“mass, threatening at every moment to
“break its bounds, and sweep away all be-
“ fore it. It would be madness in Great
“ Britain to restore to France, Ships, Colo-
“ nies, and Commerce; to pour wealth so
“ profusely into her lap, as the mere price
“ of peace, if the first use she made of it
“ were to sharpen the sword for war. “Te
“ perhaps pay too great acompliment to this
“loose and unauthenticated paragraphbyno-
“ ticing it; but if it be really true, we think
“ it is quite suflicient tomake us pause before
“ we give up to France a single conquest,
“ or even restore on individual prisoner.”—
I will not attempt to describe the feelings
which must agitate the breast of every
Frenchman, upon the hearing of such im-
pudence and profligacy as this. Here we,

at once, see with what views it was that

these persons wished for your restoration. Here it becomes manifest, that they only desired that event in the hope of degrading and crippling France,_ having conceived the notion, that your Majesty would be made a tool in the hands of the enemies of your country’s greatness. “That would be said here, if the other Powers were to prescribe to us what army or what navy we should keep up in time of peace ?— ‘Vhat an uproar such an idea would create here! And- what insolcnce, then, must it be in these persons to hold forth the justice and propriety of France being dictated to in this ‘respect! The number of troops spoken of as the peace establishment of France, will be less than her proportion, compared with the numbers kept up by other Powers. We shall, in all probabi-~ lity, not come down so low as 100,000 men of all sorts, besides the half-pay list, amounting to many thousands. AndFrance has more than three times our real population, we having no frontiers to guard, and she having many hundreds of miles of frontier. But, these matters are unworthy of notice, when we think of the impudent and infamous proposition to the Allies to COMPEL your Majesty to fix on such a peace establishment as they, or, rather, as these vile men may choose to, leave you; and, what- is still more infamous, the proposition to retain our prisoners Qf 'war, unless you consent to strip your country of the means of defence; unless you consent >“ 1786.


as well known to these vile men as it is to me, that there exists a Convention, according to which these prisoners are to be released forthwith; and yet, in the teeth of this solemn compact, these men would retain the French prisoners, unless you consent to leave your country in a state of feebleness, that would make her an easy prey to all her neighbours. They have the protligacy openly, and in plain terms,_to recommend a violation of a treaty, which has been fulfilkd on your part already ,and that, too, upon the ground, that in the arrangement of your own domestic concerns you do not acl. as they could wish. \Vc have, in England, the most profligate writers in the whole world 5 but, even from their pens, any thing so very profligate as this has seldom issued. '


They now discover their real motives for wishing for the fall of Napoleon. They now discover, that their cheerings of your h‘Iajesty on the occasion of your recall, arose from the hope of France becoming degraded and crippled in your hands. The treaty of peace now begins to be a subject of observation with them; and, it is worthy of your attention, how they here also shew their desire to see you and your country degraded. They take fire at the expression ‘of the Paris journals, that the conditions are to be all honourable to France ,- and they particularly dwell upon a topic, well


calculated to deceive the unthinking party

of mankind; namely, that of tlk: Abolition of tire Slave T rade.—The Courier, of the ~21st instant, observes, that “ the King of “ France has assumed a tone, which the “ Allied Sovereigns were not prepared to “ aspect." By Allied Sovereigns these men mean themselves. T day, indeed, expected you to be their slave 5 a vile tool in their hands. There are two points, on which they begin to harp pretty loudly: the commercial intercourse and the slave- trade, in neither of which the Continental Sovereigns have, in fact, any interest. As to these the Times says 2-“ As the -“ ne ‘ociation branches out into detail, .“ d' culties of various kinds must be ex“ pected to arise. It is said, and we can“ not be surprised at it, that l“. Talley‘ “ rand has started many objections against “ the introduction of English manufac“ tures, on the footing of the treaty of All reasonable modifications “ ought to be acceded to on our part. It “ would not be a wise policy in us to hold 1.“.up Louis XVIII. to his.people, as a So


“ vereign incapable of maintaining their “just rights. On the other hand, as we “ are rich in conquests, the restitution of “ which France must owe solely to our li“ berality, we have both the right and the “ power to insist on her doing justice in “ rcturn. We ought not to cede an inch “ of territory to her, until she has agreed “ to an equitable commercial treaty ,- to a re“ duction of her army wit/tin limits which “ would leave us not/ting to fear for the “peace of Europe ; and, lastly, to an aban“ donment of the slave-trade.” Thus, as your Majesty will see, they mean to have such terms as shall put the resources of France into hands not her own. They think, that you will be made to consent to reduce your kingdom to a sort of colony to England. If this were for the real benefit of England; if it would tend to our happiness and freedom, I am afraid, that I


myself might be tempted to wish for it too. _

But, convinced that I am, that such a treaty as these men desire would be a real injury to us; that it.would tend to make us, the people in general, worse _off than we now are ; and that it would be to lay the foundation of a new war, I wish for fair and equitable terms of peace. I wish to see France left in possession of great

power; because I am of opinion, that her /

possessing great power will be for the good of the people of England. 4 It is not necessary for me to state precisely Izow I vthink that power is to o erate in favour of our liberties. It is suflicient for me, that I am convinced that it will so operate; and -it_ is a strong presumption that this opinion is correct, that we see all the most deadly enemies’ of our freedom anxiously labouring to prevent France from retaining any power at al.l.-—-—The commercial treaty, existing before the Revolution, was very much complained of in France. It was certainly very advantageous to certain persons in England. But the Revolution has made great changes. France has now 'the means of manufacturing for herself. She has new resources. She will be able to feed a greater population’. She will contain a greater mass of industry and enterprise. She is delivered of her load of debt. Her soil, climate,, canals, rivers, and ports, ,ollei' abundant means for all sorts of commercial enterprises. But, indeed, all tanfls ought to be thrown asides-— French wine, oil, corn, and brandy, ought to come here freely and without duty ,' and. France ought to be open to all our ' Y 2

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