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‘ ly put to it to know what to wish for.

side of tyranny, in spite of every thing that could be done. These enemies of the freedam and happiness of man are now strung; the King ‘of France break his promise, there may yet arise a Republic. That would atl'right them out of their senses.— T he two great Republics,_ France and America, taught by experience, might join their efforts. The consequences might be alarming indeed ! If, on the other hand, the King of France keep his promise, there will be a real representative government in France, as to the commons, at any rate. It will not be a vile slzam ,- not a gross and outrageous insult to the people amongst whom it exists. The King of France ought to bcar in mind, that the same persons who recommend to the Allies to keep part of their armies in France in violation of the Convention ; who protest against giving up any colonies to France ; who advise the Allies to take away the pictures and

statues from Paris; who bid the people

of England bear in mind the conduct of the Bourbons in the American war; and

' who assert, that it is necessary for us :11-
' ways to recollect, that France is radically

and systematically our enemy: that these same persons are the persons who are anxious that France should not have arepresentative government, and that the ancient regime should be restored—This is

- what the King of France should have

always before his spa—It is quite surprising what envy already discovers itself in some persons towards France. They have, for along while, been representing heras iii the lowest depths of misery; and yet they seewhat excites their envy, and they endeavour to communicate their feelings to us. How inconsistent is this ? ‘Ve are to envy those who are in misery:

‘we are to cnvy\those who are beggared.

\Ve are to dread the power of a nation, which, they tell us, is subdued and disgraced to the lowest degree l Does there not peep out, through all this mass of inconsistency, a consciousness of the vast stock of glory acquired by France? They tell us of the vanity of the French. Is it vanity in them to boast of a hundred great vietories? Is it vanity in them to boast of their having captured "ienna, Rome, Naples, Berlin, Amsterdam, and Moscow ; and that, too, against all Europe combined?‘ Can any thing, can volumes of lies about the/ears and cowardice of Napoleon ; can all the ell‘orts of an enslaved and hire

ling press, ever extinguish the recollection of Jemappe, Mare-ago, the Helder, Goa runna, Jena, Austerlitz, Lodi, Eyiau, Moskwa, and a hundred other names ; every one of which, upon the_bure mention, reminds the world of the valour of Frenchmen ? And, are such a people to be accused of vanity, because they talk of those things; or, rather, because the world .do, and must talk of them? life do not seem to think it vanity in us to talk of our victories. God knows we talk of them enough. We are granting immense sums to build mansions, and provide estates for our commanders. I do not find fault with this; but, surely, if we find this right for such victories as we have gained, the French maybe sullered to talk a little about hiarengo, Austcrlitz, Jena, Eylau, and the Helder l Talk is very cheap, at any rate. It costs the people nothing. The French military glory has no pudding attached to it. “ Honour and our Coun“ try,” inscribed upon alittle medal, is all that a Frenchman gets for his deeds in arms. Our rewards. are more solid. No harm in that; but, Surely, those who have overrun all the countries of Europe; who have scattered the ill-gotten wealth of the Romish church, and who have opened the dungeons of the In uisition, may be allowed to talk a little ol what they have done ! Aye, and history will talk of what they have done too. Spain, Italy, Portugal, all Germany, and even Russia, has felt the effect, I mean the moral as well as the military sheet, of the marches of the French armies, who have borne, from one end of Europe to the other, the light of philosophy, though, perhaps, they did not intend it. These armies have been instruments in the hands of‘ reason, of truth, and of- liberty. They have given to su. pcrstition and tyranny ablow that those monsters will never recover. And, in this ‘sense, the valour and skill of the French have been the greatest of benefactors‘ to the world. Are such a people to be called vain, because they tells of their deeds? But, indeed, I do 'not hear of their boasting at all. The fact, fol-naught I know, is ‘false. The French are called vain, because they have gained renown, which nothing can destroy or diminish as long as letters-remain. No: the charge is grounded in envy ; base envy, and fear as base. These malignant writers cannot endure the idea of France having a Government, which shall secure the fi-eedom of the

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eople. They are sick at the thought of the eii'ects of an uninterrupted communication with a people living only across the Channel, whose happiness under a real representation in a Legislative Body may continually be cited. These malignant

writers fancy, too, that, when great num

bers of people are continually crossing from one country to the other, that odd remarks may be made, and disagreeable discussions take place, as to the strange dill'erence in the iii-3122]] of the two countries. They imagine, that those who get at Paris but about guineas for a‘ hundred pound bank note, will be surprised and disappointed. They suppose, that many thousands of persons of iixed incomes will go to live in France, where a shilling will buy as much as he” a crown buys lwre. They have all these, and more than all these whims in their heads. But, suppose these to be sound opinions, it is‘not the fault of theFrench nation,nor oi‘ their-Government, that our paper-money exists in such quantities, and that provisions are cheap in France, any more than it is their fault, that the climate of France is finer and more healthy than ours. Besides, *have we not had the advantage of our paperi'noney? Has it not enabled us to hire fighters inGermauy, and elsewhere.’ Have not the bank-notes and the loans enabled us to put Bonaparte from his throne ?—Have they not enabled us to pay Russians, and Russians, and Danes, and Austrians, and Swedes, and Portuguese, and Spaniar-ls, and Sicilians, and God knows who besides, to tight against France; to invade her at last -, and to bring the contest to a glorious termination? And ought we now to grumble, because we have a papermoney, and the French have none ? Ought we to accuse the French nation ‘of being ‘dangerous to us on account of this dilTcr‘ence in our pecuniary circumstances? It

is as clcar as day-light, that the Old Lady,

of ' hreadncedle-street has enabled our

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T/ireadncedle; for, certhin it is, that she has been a most efiicient personage in ohtaining the triumph of “ social order and “ regular government.” The old Lady has defeated Napoleon. It remains to be seen how she will support herself ; but, I must, at all times, put - in my protest against any grmnblfilg on account oi" the debt and the paper-money ,' unless, indeed, on the part of those, who did not wish'to carry on war for the purpose of ovenset

‘ting-Napoleon. Thcyma'y grumble very

consistently -, but, even they have no right to blame the French nation for the debt, the taxes, and the paper-money. If a hundred pound bank-note exchanges against even fifty real pounds worth of French livres, what is that to the French ? They have not been the cause of this. They, probably, wished us not to' hire so many people to fight against them. It is, therefore, a perfect abomination to endeavour to excite hatred against them on this, account.-'---I hope, after all, that we shall he at real peace with France. I hope, that the terms of the peace will be such, as to prevent the French for seeking rcvcnge in a new war; but, really, I am afraiihithat the constantly irritating and insulting language of our newspapers must have a tendency to obstruct all endeavours to attain so desirable an object.

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MILITIA 0FFICERS.-—'-An article, in all the London Papers of‘ the 12th and 13th of this month, prepares us for some attempt to secure to these Gentlemen a share of our incomes and earnings dun'ng peace. it is. as follows:—“ REDUCTION OF THE “ ARMY.—At a time when every one is “ looking to the Break—and ‘bidding fare“ well to the ‘ plumed troops and spirit“ stirring drum,’ the situation of Captains “ of the embodied militia, is deserving of “ the most ‘serious consideration. For“ merly, only men of great landed property, “ they returned to their estates after a re“ turn of peace, which no longer required “ them to evince the activity of arms ; but “ the exigencies of the State have long “ since placed ‘them in a very different si“ tuation. iViany are now men of talents “ and crzqmr, but of 'm fortune, who “ have joined the militia as 'a profession ,“ or who, during a long War, have estrang“ ed themselves from any other exercise of “ their Infants; in a natural confidence, “ that the country, which has saved Europe “ by its example in arms, could not but “ preserve its renovated character as a “military nation ,' and, consequently, that “ they would not be thrown on the world “ unregardecl. The liberality of a great “ government will not fail in this respect— “ and we have no‘doubt, that provision, in “ some form, will be made, at least, to “ preserve the credit of a military institu‘ “ tion, which now so nearly approaches the “ regular army. \Ve are assured, that “ several militia corps have already sub“ mitted their case to the Right Hon. the “ Secretary of State, through the medium -“ of their Lord-Lieutenants.” This is a proposition, the‘ modesty of which must 'surprize, and, indeed, confound, the nation. What! militia ol‘licers paid in time of peace! \"e should, indeed, be a mitiilury nation! “Te should have got much by the dethronement of Napoleon. It was no longer ago than this very morning, that

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‘a neighbour of mine, who is also one of

my many taxfgathercrs, in asking me for my return for the Property Tax, congratulated me upon its being the last. I thought he was deceived; but I am sure of it, if the principles of this denunciation are to be acted upon. A denunciation it is, in-the true sense of the word, against every man, who labours, orwho has property. We have, here, the curious distinction between men of large firtune, and men of no fortune, but of tak'nts and vigour ,- no bad compliment to the Democracy at the expence of the Aristocracy ! To what notions has this French Revolution given rise 1-“ Thrownon the wide “ world I” \Vhat, then, do these gentlelnen call it being thrown on the wide world, when they are released from their military service? \Ve were always told,

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‘during the war, that we were under amaz

ing obligations to these gentlemen for their services in defence of the country; that they abandoned their homes, their peaceable professions, and their families, purely ‘for their country’s sake. But, now, behold! they wish to be soldiers all their lives ! Mind, reader, they are persons of no fortune. So are the private soldiers who have escaped death in Spain, Portugal, France, Sicily, Canada, and the East and ‘Vest Indies. But, are all these, too, to be paid during peace? They have a much more just claim than militia ollicers can possibly have. I am amongst the last to grudge reward to military and na

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» val merit; bnt,;surely, one of the effects

of peace ought _to be, to lessen taxes, and

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to send back_to the arts of peaee,_those who have. been employed in war. And this is what these gentlemen of no fortune, but of talents- and vigour, call being thrown upon the wide world. If they have no fortune now, they had none be

fore; and, therefore, they must have .worked before, or starved; ‘and so they

ought now. \Vhen they entered the service, they knew that militia oflicers received no pay in peace. There is, therefore, no breach of faith with them. They can have no reason to complain of being neglected. They have lived in the way in which ,they chose to live, during the war. They were not éompelled to serve as militia ofl'ieers. If they have talents and vigour, what ground is there for their apprehensions of starving? Men of ta[ants and vigour do not starve. If they be men of talents and vigour, how endless are the ways, 'in'which those talents, and that vigour, may be employed with profit? In short, the claim is absurd, and will, I' am certain, find not a single advocate in parliament—Before I dismiss this ar—

.ticle, I cannot help noticing a paragraph

in the Times newspaper of the 17th ‘inst. in these‘ words :--“ It is now pretty gene“ rally understood, that the reduction of “ the militia will not takeplace all at once,

“ as- was lately reported. Twenty regi- .

“ ments, it is said, will be disbanded on “ the 24th of July‘; a second reduction “ will take place on the 24th of Septem“ her; and the last on the 24th of No“ vember. Several of the regiments are “ now on march to the quarters where the _“ first reduction will ‘take place."—-This I cannot help regarding as a hint on the part of those who choose this vile Paper for the vehicle of their wishes. ‘Vhat is this militia army to be kept on foot fin‘? Are not the men wanted in the fields and in the manufactures ? Are not the parishes every where heavily ‘burdened with the support‘ of militia-men’s wives and children? And, what can this evil be prolonged fir? The regular army is coming home daily. ‘By the 1st of June, we shall have several thousands of men home from France. our army in Sicily cannot always remain, “Thy then, should, we be put to the expence of supporting the militia for another half year ? Did we expect that this would have been amongst the consequences of the deliverance of Europe? I should like to hear some reason for keeping all this army on foot so long.

is

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‘ if all are now to he kept up, I do not see

what reason those can have to complain, who have approved of allv these establishments. ' The walls, the. ramparts, the buildings, the schools of exercise, it would be such a pity to demolish.’ And what to become of all the masters of the dilferent branches of the art military? \Vould these advocates for the war have them (/11; or beg? Again, I say, that one of two things must take place : the army and navy must be reduced very low‘; or, the war-taxes and loans must be continued. And, really, I, for my own part, do not care which of them it is to be.—--The T [mes newspaper talks of the debts of England, France, and other

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nations. Paper-money is the great evi-

dence of debt. France has none of it.— Perhaps it is a good thing to have a debt, .and the greater the better. That is a point which I am not now discussing. I am only speaking of the fact ; and the T fines has published a false fact in this respect. “ It is in vain,” says he, “ for France or “ England to hope speedily to exonerate “ itself from the burdens, which that fatal “ revolution has entailed uponfuturegom“ rau‘omW—This is intended to convey the notion, that France has a debt somewhat like ours. Nothing can be more false. The whole of the princzjoal of the debt does not, I believc,|eqnal one yoar’s interest of ours. ‘In short, the proof of the dill'crcnce consists in these factsrfirst,

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that ours is a currency of paper ; that of France is‘ a currency of gold,- and, second, that a bank of England note for one hundred pounds will exchange for only about seventy pounds worth of French livres, to be paid in France in return for a bill purchased with that bank note.— These'are facts, which speak a language not to be misunderstood by even the most ignorant of men. These facts shew the

precise difference in the pecuniary state of the two countries. Though a little fo

reign from the subject that I set out with,

I will remark here, that while Napoleon

was enforcing the Continental System, we

were told, by this same newspaper, that that

was the cause of the scarcity of gold, and

of the great loss in the exchange of our

paper against foreign bills, payable in gold

in foreign countries. But the Continental

System has long ceased. The author of it

has been put down. France herself is be

come our close friend. All the ports of Europe are open tons; and there is not

the least probability of their being again

closed. But, yet, we do not find that gold

becomes more plenty, or, that the exchange

grows more favourable to us. The rate,

which I have stated, is, I believe, the rate

now with Paris; though, seeing the state

of the relationships between the two coun

tries, the exchange, according-t0 the com

mon course of things, ought to be in our

favour. There is no accounting for this

in any way, other than that of supposing,

that our paper is become of less value than

gold. Take a guinea, and it will exchange

for a bill on Paris for twentyfivc lit-res,

two sous. But, take apound bank note,

and it will exchange for a bill on Paris for

only about sixteen lion's, three sous. This

shows, at once, the real state of the case ;

and it shows also the folly of the hopes of those, who told us, that it was the Continen

tal System, which caused the apparent (lepre

ciation in our bank-paperu—These import

ant truths will now become more and more

evident every day. The extensive inter

course with France; an intercourse which

will not be confined to mere traders, but

will reach to all manner of people. This

intercourse; which will make hundreds of

thousands see and fi'cl the dbm'rmtz'on, as

theywill call it, of their means in the transit

of them only across the channel. This in

tercourse will do more towards removing

the hitherto impenetrable film from the

eyes of the people than a thousand Essays upon the subject.

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‘ to keep up the price of corn‘, and, that to

‘farmer to have a high price 3 the price de

.fixed, and therefore, when the loaf is at

1 half as much as when the loaf is at 91].

'loans) to sixty-nine millions.

Conn‘ Luvs—This subject would require a greater space than I am able here to allot to it. So much nonsense has been published about protecting the farmer; somuch unparalleled trash, that I hardly ltnow where to begin. I shall confine myself to a mere hint or two 5 first observing, that, speaking (no grower of wheat, 1 wish for none of this sortvofprotccz‘zbm—u It has been said, that the manufacturing interestwill suil'er by any measure tending

give the farmer security for high prices, must injure the rest of the community.— Now, in the first place, I deny, that it is in the power even of a body of men, who have been called omnl'pofcnl', to cause the

pending upon the crop, and not upon any law or any regulation. But, supposing it possible to give the farmer a high price, how is that to injure the eaters of ‘bread ? If the corn be cheap, all other things will be cheap in proportion ; and, amongst other things, the produce of the manufactories. The fund-holder seems to be the only person with reason to complain of high prices; because he has nothing to sell. He ‘is an 'annuitant, whose nominal income is

1s. 6d. his annuity'is worth to him only

But if the loaf were to be, and to continue at 9d. for any length of time, whence is to come the money to pay him his annuity .5’ A. wish has been expressed to bring t/n'ngs ‘round by degrees to the prices of 1792! What profound ignorance ; or, what profound Izypocm'sy .' 'In 1792, or before the war preparations, the whole of the taxes (no loans) raised in the country did not exceed fourteen millions. The taxes raised last year, 1813, amounted (exclusive of And yet, there are men so devoid of sense, or so devoid of shame, as to tall; of bringing round prices to the state of 1792 l The annual interest on the debt (which must continue to be pa'z'd) is now about forty millions. In 1792, it was nine millions. All the annual expences in 1192 amounted to less than five millions. Can they now amount to less, even in' time of peace, than twenty millions ? How, then, are prices to be brought round to the standard of 1792 ? To, bring prices to the standard of 1792, you must first bring‘ round the taxes to the standard of ‘1792, and next you must

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round gold in place of paper-

So that these wise advocates of low

prices ‘are beginning their amiable en-

deavours at, the wrong end.-—-—If the wheat were at five shillings a bushel; beer at 2d. a quart ; beef at 3d. a pound; it would make no (lill'erence to the farmer, except for the remainder of his lease. It would make no dillerencc to h! r. Coke, 0!.‘ Sir Francis Burdett, or any other land.holder, to whom 5,000]. a year would he as valuable as 20,0001. at year now is. It

would give them the means of living just in

the style that they now live. But, then, in both cases, the taxes must be diminished in the same proportion; and, in place of collecting 69 millions a year, you must

collect only 23 millions at most, which“

would but little more than .HALF s14 ice for the payment oft/w interest on tile Debt, leaving the Civil List, the Army, the Navy, and every other out-going wholly unprovided for. It has been observed, with most brazen impudcnce, or with more than idcot folly, that it is unjust thus to put money into the pocket of tile land-bolder, at the expence of the poor soul who kart-Uzi; earns his morscl of bread. In the first place, Mr. Coke, for instance, it' he let his land at 30s. an acre instead of 10s. must pay for servants, for horses, for carriages, fol-beer, for bread, for every thing on which he lays out his money, 3s. instead of Is. How, then, can the highpricc of corn give him- any advans tagc over the poorer people who serve him, or who administer to. his wants or his pleasures? Besides, he must pay 35. in taxes instead of Is. So that, in fact, as

far as this goes, it is the Government, or

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the public, or the debt, or the State, or, call '

it what you will, which in the end receives the dzfii'rencc. Those who eat the loaf must, of course, pay the tax. ‘Ve :see very plainly how the tax upon sugar, or upon spirits, fall upon the conm'me-r; but the tax upon bread being collected, not upon the lazy‘, or theflour, or the 'w/Tcaz‘, we lose sight of its march to our months. But, if it be collected upon the earth, in which the wheat grows ; upon the house in which the grower lives 3 upon the horses that plough

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the land for the wheat -, upon the iron and '

the leather that make up the harness for the horses that plough the land for the wheat; upon the gig that carries to church the wheat grower-‘s wife; upon the nag that carries the wheat grower, the next day, to market to sell the wheat; upon the

cloddy-heeled boy, who becomes 2gentle1'

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