Moskwa, and a hundred other names; No overrun all the countries of Europe; who have scattered the ill-gotten wealth of the Romish church, and who have opened the dungeons of the Inquisition, may be allow side of tyranny, in spite of every thing that | ling press, ever extinguish the recollection could be done. These enemies of the free-of Jemappe, Marengo, the Helder, Codom and happiness of man are now strange- runna, Jena, Austerlitz, Lodi, Eylau, ly put to it to know what to wish for. If the King of France break his promise, there may yet arise a Republic. That would affright them out of their senses.The two great Republics, France and America, taught by experience, might join their efforts. The consequences might be alarming indeed! If, on the other hand, the King of France keep his promise, there will be a real representative government in France, as to the commons, at any rate. It will not be a vile sham; not a gross and outrageous insult to the people amongst whom it exists. The King of France ought to bear in mind, that the same persons who recommend to the Allies to keep part of their armies in France in violation of the Convention; who protest against giving up any colonies to France; who advise the Allies to take away the pictures and statues from Paris; who bid the people of England bear in mind the conduct of the Bourbons in the American war; and who assert, that it is necessary for us al-harm in that; but, surely, those who have ways to recollect, that France is radically and systematically our enemy: that these same persons are the persons who are anxious that France should not have a representative government, and that the an-ed to talk a little of what they have done! cient regime should be restored.-This is Aye, and history will talk of what they what the King of France should have have done too. Spain, Italy, Portugal, all always before his eyes. It is quite sur- Germany, and even Russia, has felt the prising what envy already discovers itself effect, I mean the moral as well as the in some persons towards France. They military effect, of the marches of the have, for a long while, been representing French armies, who have borne, from one her as in the lowest depths of misery; and end of Europe to the other, the light of yet they see what excites their envy, and philosophy, though, perhaps, they did not they endeavour to communicate their feel- intend it. These armies have been inings to us. How inconsistent is this? struments in the hands of reason, of truth, We are to envy those who are in misery: and of liberty. They have given to suwe are to envy those who are beggared. perstition and tyranny a blow that those We are to dread the power of a nation, monsters will never recover. And, in this which, they tell us, is subdued and dis-sense, the valour and skill of the French graced to the lowest degree! Does there not peep out, through all this mass of inconsistency, a consciousness of the vast stock of glory acquired by France? They tell us of the vanity of the French. Is it vanity in them to boast of a hundred great victories? Is it vanity in them to boast of their having captured Vienna, Rome, Naples, Berlin, Amsterdam, and Moscow; and that, too, against all Europe combined? Can any thing, can volumes of lies about the fears and cowardice of Napoleon; can all the efforts of an enslaved and hire have been the greatest of benefactors to the world. Are such a people to be called vain, because they talk of their deeds? But, indeed, I do not hear of their boasting at all. The fact, for aught I know, is false. The French are called vain, because they have gained renown, which nothing can destroy or diminish as long as letters remain. No: the charge is grounded in envy; base envy, and fear as base. These malignant writers cannot endure the idea of France having a Government, which shall secure the freedom of the against any grumbling on account of the debt and the paper-money; unless, indeed, on the part of those, who did not wish to carry on war for the purpose of over-setting Napoleon. They may grumble very consistently; but, even they have no right to blame the French nation for the debt, the taxes, and the paper-money.-If a be at real peace with France. I hope, that the terms of the peace will be such, as to prevent the French for seeking revenge in a new war; but, really, I am afraid, that the constantly irritating and insulting language of our newspapers must have a tendency to obstruct all endeavours to attain so desirable an object. people. They are sick at the thought of Threadneedle; for, certain it is, that she the effects of an uninterrupted communi-has been a most efficient personage in obcation with a people living only across the taining the triumph of "social order and Channel, whose happiness under a real" regular government." The old Lady has representation in a Legislative Body may defeated Napoleon. It remains to be continually be cited. These malignant seen how she will support herself; but, I writers fancy, too, that, when great num-must, at all times, put in my protest bers of people are continually crossing from one country to the other, that odd remarks may be made, and disagreeable discussions take place, as to the strange difference in the money of the two countries. They imagine, that those who get at Paris but about 66 guineas for a hundred pound bank note, will be surprised and disappointed. They suppose, that many thou-hundred pound bank-note exchanges against sands of persons of fixed incomes will go to even fifty real pounds worth of French live in France, where a shilling will buy livres, what is that to the French? They as much as half a crown buys here. They have not been the cause of this. They, have all these, and more than all these probably, wished us not to hire so many whims in their heads. But, suppose these people to fight against them. It is, thereto be sound opinions, it is not the fault of fore, a perfect abomination to endeavour the French nation,nor of their Government, to excite hatred against them on this acthat our paper-money exists in such quan-count.---I hope, after all, that we shall tities, and that provisions are cheap in France, any more than it is their fault, that the climate of France is finer and more healthy than ours. Besides, have we not had the advantage of our papermoney? Has it nat enabled us to hire fighters in Germany, and elsewhere? Have not the bank-notes and the loans enabled us to put Bonaparte from his throne?Have they not enabled us to pay Russians, MILITIA OFFICERS.--An article, in and Prussians, and Danes, and Austrians, all the London Papers of the 12th and 13th and Swedes, and Portuguese, and Spani- of this month, prepares us for some attempt arls, and Sicilians, and God knows who to secure to these Gentlemen a share of besides, to fight against France; to invade our incomes and earnings during peace. her at last; and to bring the contest to a It is as follows:-“ REDUCTION OF THE glorious termination? And ought we now "ARMY.-At a time when every one is to grumble, because we have a paper- looking to the Break-and bidding faremoney, and the French have none ne? Ought" well to the plumed troops and spiritwe to accuse the French nation of being stirring drum,' the situation of Captains dangerous to us on account of this differ- "of the embodied militia, is deserving of ence in our pecuniary circumstances? It "the most serious consideration. Foris as clear as day-light, that the Old Lady" merly, only men of great landed property, of Threadneedle-street has enabled our 66 they returned to their estates after a reGovernment to overset Napoleon, and to turn of peace, which no longer required push on the Allies to Paris. Therefore," them to evince the activity of arms ; but it is abominably unjust to reproach her" the exigencies of the State have long with having inundated us with her coin. "since placed them in a very different siShe was compelled to do this, in order to "tuation. Many are now men of talents assist us; and we ought to come now to her" and vigour, but of 'no fortune, who support. She is our military and political" have joined the militia as a profession; murso; and to cast her off now, when we or who, during a long war, have estrangno longer stand in need of her breast, "ed themselves from any other exercise of would be diabolical. Along with the cry "their talents; in a natural confidence, of Vivent les Bourbons, ought to go forth" that the country, which has saved Europe the cry of Vive la vielle. Maman de la rue de" by its example in arms, could not but 66 66 66 86 66 66 And to send back to the arts of peace, those fore, no breach of faith with them. They "preserve its renovated character as a "military nation; and, consequently, that they would not be thrown on the world "unregarded. The liberality of a great government will not fail in this respect "and we have no doubt, that provision, in some form, will be made, at least, to preserve the credit of a military institution, which now so nearly approaches the regular army. We are assured, that "several militia corps have already sub-ceived no pay in peace. There is, there"mitted their case to the Right Hon. the Secretary of State, through the medium “of their Lord-Lieutenants." This is a proposition, the modesty of which must surprize, and, indeed, confound, the nation. What! militia officers paid in time of peace! We should, indeed, be a militury nation! We should have got much by the dethronement of Napoleon. It was no longer ago than this very morning, that a neighbour of mine, who is also one of my many tax-gatherers, in asking me for my return for the Property Tax, congratulated me upon its being the last. II am certain, find not a single advocate thought he was deceived; but I am sure in parliament.-Before I dismiss this arof it, if the principles of this denunciation ticle, I cannot help noticing a paragraph are to be acted upon. A denunciation it in the Times newspaper of the 17th inst. is, in the true sense of the word, against in these words:" It is now pretty geneevery man, who labours, or who has pro-" rally understood, that the reduction of perty.- -We have, here, the curious dis- "the militia will not take place all at once, tinction between men of large fortune, and as was lately reported. Twenty regimen of no fortune, but of talents and vi- ments, it is said, will be disbanded on gour; no bad compliment to the Demo"the 24th of July; a second reduction cracy at the expence of the Aristocracy!" will take place on the 24th of SeptemTo what notions has this French Revolu-"ber; and the last on the 24th of Notion given rise!- "Thrown on the wide"vember. Several of the regiments are "world!" What, then, do these gen- 66 now on march to the quarters where the tlemen call it being thrown on the wide "first reduction will take place."—This world, when they are released from their I cannot help regarding as a hint on the military service? We were always told, part of those who choose this vile Paper during the war, that we were under amaz- for the vehicle of their wishes. What is ing obligations to these gentlemen for their this militia army to be kept on foot for? services in defence of the country; that Are not the men wanted in the fields and they abandoned their homes, their peace- in the manufactures? Are not the parishes able professions, and their families, purely every where heavily burdened with the for their country's sake. But, now, be- support of militia-men's wives and chilhold they wish to be soldiers all their dren? And, what can this evil be prolives! Mind, reader, they are persons of longed for? The regular army is coming no fortune. So are the private soldiers home daily. By the 1st of June, we shall who have escaped death in Spain, Portu- have several thousands of men home from gal, France, Sicily, Canada, and the East France. Our army in Sicily cannot aland West Indies. But, are all these, too, ways remain, Why then, should, we be to be paid during peace? They have a put to the expence of supporting the milimuch more just claim than militia officers tia for another half year? Did we expect can possibly have.I am amongst the that this would have been amongst the last to grudge reward to military and na-consequences of the deliverance of Euval merit; but, surely, one of the effects rope? I should like to hear some reason of peace ought to be, to lessen taxes, and for keeping all this army on foot so long. 66 66 One thing, however, I am quite sure of, that that ours is a currency of paper; that of the army and the navy too must be reduced France is a currency of gold; and, severy low, or that loans must be made even cond, that a bank of England note for one in time of peace. The nation has to hundred pounds will exchange for only choose between the two; and, really, for about seventy pounds worth of French my part, I do not, for myself, care much livres, to be paid in France in return for about the matter. I shall never make an a bill purchased with that bank note.ont-cry about the continuation of loans These are facts, which speak a language and the war taxes. I shall content my- not to be misunderstood by even the most self with just observing, now and then, ignorant of men. These facts shew the that the Anti-jacobins ought to pay the precise difference in the pecuniary state of taxes very peaceably, seeing that they the two countries.- -Though a little fohave always approved of the spending of reign from the subject that I set out with, them. It is not to be denied, that the I will remark here, that while Napoleon great mass of the nation approved of the was enforcing the Continental System, we war; that they were quite willing that were told, by this same newspaper, that that the Government should spend any sum in was the cause of the scarcity of gold, and a war against the people of France first, of the great loss in the exchange of our and then against their Sovereign. The mo- paper against foreign bills, payable in gold ney was spent that Sovereign has been in foreign countries. But the Continental dethroned. It is, therefore, just that the System has long ceased. The author of it nation should pay the bill without grumbling. has been put down. France herself is beNay, if all the depots, arsenals, barracks, come our close friend. All the ports of fortresses, military and naval academies; Europe are open to us; and there is not if all are now to he kept up, I do not see the least probability of their being again what reason those can have to complain, closed. But, yet, we do not find that gold who have approved of all these establish- becomes more plenty, or, that the exchange ments. The walls, the ramparts, the grows more favourable to us. The rate, buildings, the schools of exercise, it would which I have stated, is, I believe, the rate be such a pity to demolish! And what now with Paris; though, seeing the state is to become of all the masters of of the relationships between the two counthe different branches of the art mili-tries, the exchange, according to the comtary? Would these advocates for the mon course of things, ought to be in our war have them dig or beg?Again, I favour. There is no accounting for this say, that one of two things must take in any way, other than that of supposing, place: the army and navy must be reduced that our paper is become of less value than very low; or, the war-taxes and loans gold. Take a guinea, and it will exchange must be continued. And, really, I, for for a bill on Paris for twenty-five livres, my own part, do not care which of them two sous. But, take a pound bank note, it is to be.The Times newspaper talks and it will exchange for a bill on Paris for of the debts of England, France, and other only about sixteen livres, three sous. This nations. Paper-money is the great evi- shows, at once, the real state of the case; dence of debt. France has none of it.- and it shows also the folly of the hopes of Perhaps it is a good thing to have a debt, those, who told us, that it was the Continenand the greater the better. That is a point tal System, which caused the apparent deprewhich I am not now discussing. I am ciation in our bank-paper. These importonly speaking of the fact; and the Times ant truths will now become more and more has published a false fact in this respect. evident every day. The extensive inter"It is in vain," says he, "for France or course with France; an intercourse which England to hope speedily to exonerate will not be confined to mere traders, but "itself from the burdens, which that fatal will reach to all manner of people. This "revolution has entailed upon future gene-intercourse, which will make hundreds of "rations."-This is intended to convey the notion, that France has a debt somewhat like ours. Nothing can be more false. The whole of the principal of the debt does not, I believe, equal one year's interest of ours. In short, the proof of the difference consists in these facts: first, 66 thousands see and feel the diminution, as they will call it, of their means in the transit of them only across the channel. This intercourse will do more towards removing the hitherto impenetrable film from the eyes of the people than a thousand Essays upon the subject. CORN LAWS.-This subject would re- So that these wise advocates of low quire a greater space than I am able here prices are beginning their amiable ento allot to it. So much nonsense has been deavours at the wrong end. -If the published about protecting the farmer; so wheat were at five shillings a bushel; much unparalleled trash, that I hardly beer at 2d. a quart; beef at 3d. a pound; know where to begin. I shall confine my- it would make no difference to the farmer, self to a mere hint or two; first observing, except for the remainder of his lease. It that, speaking as a grower of wheat, I would make no difference to Mr. Coke, or wish for none of this sort of protection. Sir Francis Burdett, or any other landIt has been said, that the manufacturing holder, to whom 5,000l. a year would be interest will suffer by any measure tending as valuable as 20,000l. a year now is. It to keep up the price of corn; and, that to would give them the means of living just in give the farmer security for high prices, the style that they now live. But, then, must injure the rest of the community. in both cases, the taxes must be diminished Now, in the first place, I deny, that it is in the same proportion; and, in place of in the power even of a body of men, who collecting 69 millions a year, you must have been called omnipotent, to cause the collect only 23 millions at most, which farmer to have a high price; the price de- would but little more than HALF suffice pending upon the crop, and not upon any for the payment of the interest on the Debt, law or any regulation. But, supposing it leaving the Civil List, the Army, the possible to give the farmer a high price, Navy, and every other out-going wholly how is that to injure the eaters of bread? unprovided for.- -It has been observed, If the corn be cheap, all other things will with most brazen impudence, or with be cheap in proportion; and, amongst more than ideot folly, that it is unjust other things, the produce of the manufac- thus to put money into the pocket of tories. The fund-holder seems to be the the land-holder, at the expence of the only person with reason to complain of high poor soul who hardly earns his morsel of prices; because he has nothing to sell. He bread. In the first place, Mr. Coke, for is an annuitant, whose nominal income is instance, if he let his land at 30s. an acre fixed, and therefore, when the loaf is at instead of 10s. must pay for scrvants, for 1s. 6d. his annuity is worth to him only horses, for carriages, for beer, for bread, half as much as when the loaf is at 9d. for every thing on which he lays out his But if the loaf were to be, and to continue money, 3s. instead of is. How, then, can at 9d. for any length of time, whence is the high price of corn give him any advan¬ to come the money to pay him his annuity?tage over the poorer people who serve him, A wish has been expressed to bring things or who administer to his wants or his round by degrees to the prices of 1792! | pleasures? Besides, he must pay 3s. in What profound ignorance; or, what pro-taxes instead of 1s. So that, in fact, as found hypocrisy! In 1792, or before the far as this goes, it is the Government, or war preparations, the whole of the taxes the public, or the debt, or the State, or, call (no loans) raised in the country did not it what you will, which in the end receives exceed fourteen millions. The taxes raised the difference. -Those who eat the loaf last year, 1813, amounted (exclusive of must, of course, pay the tax. We see very loans) to sixty-nine millions. And yet, plainly how the tax upon sugar, or upon there are men so devoid of sense, or so de- spirits, fall upon the consumer; but the void of shame, as to talk of bringing round tax upon bread being collected, not upon the prices to the state of 1792! The annual loaf, or the flour, or the wheat, we lose interest on the debt (which must continue sight of its march to our mouths. But, if to be paid) is now about forty millions. it be collected upon the earth, in which the In 1792, it was nine millions. All the wheat grows; upon the house in which the annual expences in 1792 amounted to less grower lives; upon the horses that plough than five millions. Can they now amount the land for the wheat; upon the iron and to less, even in time of peace, than twenty the leather that make up the harness for millions? How, then, are prices to be the horses that plough the land for the brought round to the standard of 1792 wheat; upon the gig that carries to church To bring prices to the standard of 1792, the wheat grower's wife; upon the nag you must first bring round the taxes to that carries the wheat grower, the next day, the standard of 1792, and next you must to market to sell the wheat; upon the bring round gold in place of paper.cloddy-heeled boy, who becomes a gentle. |